This week, Yinon Magal told viewers of 'The Patriots' about a traditionally observant Jew who, he said, has been praying to G-d less frequently in recent days because of what he described as a "crisis of faith." What caused the crisis? The very possibility that United Torah Judaism might join a government with the change bloc.
I respect every Jew's pain. But I must ask: Does our faith really depend on the composition of the coalition? Have hundreds of thousands of Jews been attending Selichot prayers at the Western Wall because of Moshe Gafni? Have they been reciting Kiddush on Friday nights thanks to Yaakov Asher? Have they been putting on tefillin because Netanyahu was prime minister?
Ladies and gentlemen, a little perspective. Jewish faith has survived thousands of years of exile, persecution and oppressive decrees. It does not need a political seal of approval from any bloc.
Rabbi Dov Lando, the spiritual leader of Degel HaTorah, announced this past summer that United Torah Judaism was no longer part of the Netanyahu bloc because promises to resolve the military service status of yeshiva students had been broken.
I do not need to speak on anyone else's behalf. I can personally attest that I was invited to Prime Minister Netanyahu's office several months after October 7. Netanyahu promised me that within a few months he would secure the support of all coalition partners for an arrangement governing yeshiva students' military service status. Ultimately, despite the signed agreements and explicit promises, no arrangement was reached.
It must be said that the haredi community's leading Torah authorities agreed to far-reaching concessions in the new bill. Yet no arrangement was reached, partly because of opposition from Knesset members within Likud and the Religious Zionist Party, including quite a few who wear knitted kippot. Yuli Edelstein, Moshe Saada, Dan Illouz, Ofir Sofer, Moshe Solomon, Michal Woldiger and others expressed reservations about the bill, each for their own reasons. Bezalel Smotrich and Simcha Rothman also made clear that they would not agree to legislation that did not lead to actual enlistment.
These objections posed a significant obstacle to the legislation, and the bill never even reached the test of Supreme Court scrutiny. In fact, if we are discussing a breach of the faith-based alliance, it was not the haredim who broke it, but rather the partners who failed to honor their commitments to them.
I recognize the profound disagreement over values at the heart of this issue, and I respect those who think differently. But consider the absurdity: Within the faith-based bloc itself, fundamental differences emerged on the issue most sensitive to the haredi community. What happened then? Did anyone declare a crisis of faith? Did anyone stop putting on tefillin or praying because of those Knesset members' positions?
Of course not. We understood that we could disagree on difficult, even painful questions, while remaining brothers and partners in the same faith. So why, when the haredim dare to speak with another bloc, does the very act of negotiating suddenly become a threat to Jewish faith?
On the contrary, the haredi community is now following the path of Religious Zionism. Look at the new Knesset: About eight representatives identified with religious Zionism are in Eisenkot's party, two more are in Liberman's party, Naftali Bennett is in the Together party, and even Yair Golan's Democrats party includes someone who wears a knitted kippah.
The differences among them are profound, including on matters concerning the state's Jewish character. Yet no one demands that everyone who wears a knitted kippah pledge allegiance to the same political bloc. Why is the haredi community alone expected to hand over control of its political future to one bloc, forever?
In all honesty, the old division between right and left no longer accurately describes reality either. The change bloc includes a distinctly ideological left, but also people from the center and the right. There are certainly profound disagreements. There are certainly genuine concerns, particularly on matters of religion and state. But who ever proposed abandoning our principles?
There is another absurdity: Netanyahu himself is currently calling for a unity government with parties from the change bloc, but, to his disappointment, the other side is not willing to hear of it for now. But wait: Netanyahu is allowed to speak with Eisenkot, while the haredim are not? Our memories are not that short, either: In 2013, Netanyahu formed a government with Lapid and Bennett, leaving out the haredim, who had remained loyal to the bloc. This time, too, we have no guarantee that he will not do the same to the haredim, Ben-Gvir and perhaps Smotrich as well, if only he has the opportunity.
As proposals began passing between the sides in recent days, the enormous gap between the haredi community's minimum demands and the most the change bloc can offer became clear. Yaakov Asher made clear that without an arrangement governing Torah students' status and preservation of the status quo, there would be no partnership. The negotiations may well end without agreement precisely because of this insistence on principles. But why accuse the haredim over a partnership that has not yet been agreed upon and concessions they will not make?
In the Torah portion of Toldot, we read, "And Isaac entreated the Lord opposite his wife." Rashi explains, "He stood in one corner and prayed, and she stood in another corner and prayed." Isaac and Rebecca stand in different corners, but both turn to the same Creator, offer the same prayer and long for the same salvation.
Coalitions rise and fall, but we will continue to study Torah, put on tefillin, recite Kiddush, pray together and love one another. We were brothers, and brothers we will always remain. Shabbat shalom.
The writer is editor-in-chief of the haredi weekly "Bakehila." Comments: shlomokook@gmail.com