For the past few weeks, many American Jews have been quietly expressing grave concern regarding the future of the U.S.-Israel relationship. Distraught by Bill Clinton?s departure from the White House, followed by Ehud Barak?s stunning defeat at the polls, they have been wringing their hands, hoping and praying that all will be well.
The reason behind this misplaced anxiety is quite simple: after eight years of being told repeatedly by the media that Bill Clinton was ?the best friend Israel ever had in the White House?, it appears that many American Jews actually began to believe it. Consequently, they are now concerned that whatever may follow can not serve as a suitable replacement.
But a closer look at the situation reveals a reality that is far more soothing, even comforting. For the rise to power of George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon presents a unique opportunity to repair the damage ? yes, the damage ? done by the Clinton Administration to the U.S.-Israel relationship. Both in terms of the peace process and the bilateral U.S.-Israel alliance, Clinton did profound harm.
In the seven years following the signing of the 1993 Oslo Accords on the White House Lawn, Clinton consistently ignored Yasser Arafat?s near-flawless record of violating every commitment he had undertaken. Instead, Clinton pressured Israel to sign additional agreements and yield more territory to Arafat. Palestinian Authority (PA) profligacy and corruption, and its flouting of the most basic human rights, also failed to elicit Mr. Clinton?s condemnation.
By consistently turning a blind eye to Arafat?s shenanigans, Clinton effectively invited further abuses by the Palestinian leader. Arafat quickly learned that he could act with near impunity toward Israel, having little to fear from the Clinton-Gore team?s feeble response.
Nowhere was this failed approach more evident than in the US position toward the Palestinian terrorism and violence of the past four months. Despite the PA?s brazen involvement in terror against Israel, not once did Clinton publicly call Arafat to order or point the finger at him for instigating the bloodshed.
Rather than chastising Arafat for the violence, Clinton decided to reward him by becoming the first American President to propose the division of Jerusalem and to essentially recognize the ?right? of the Palestinians to a state of their own.
To paraphrase one of Clinton?s presidential predecessors: is Israel better off today than it was eight years ago? The answer with regard to the Palestinians is a clear and emphatic ?No?. Clinton?s Middle East legacy is a weakened and demoralized Jewish state facing a Palestinian entity armed to the teeth with both ammunition and international legitimacy.
In terms of the Israel-U.S. bilateral relationship, Clinton set a dangerous precedent: never before has an American president intervened so audaciously in Israel?s internal affairs. Clinton?s reported dispatch of campaign gurus Jim Carville and Stanley Greenberg to help Ehud Barak in Israel?s 1999 elections was a coarse violation of Israel?s democracy. A true friend would have allowed Israel?s citizens to make their own choice. By working to tilt the balance in favor of a particular candidate, Clinton treated Israel less like a friend and more like a dependent.
This is why the ascension of George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon may ultimately prove to be a real blessing for the relationship between the two countries. Bush will almost certainly refrain from Clintonesque meddling in Israel?s affairs, while Sharon will vigilantly safeguard Israel?s sovereignty and national integrity. Working together, they can restore a sense of balance to the U.S.-Israel friendship, one in which Israel is treasured as an ally, rather than trampled upon.
Since Clinton played a key, highly personal role in forging Israeli-Palestinian agreements, he necessarily made this the centerpiece of U.S.-Israel relations, to the detriment of other crucial issues. If as expected the Bush administration adopts a lower profile in the peace process, it will enable the U.S. and Israel to focus on more pressing strategic issues, such as ballistic missile proliferation and fundamentalist terrorism. These increasingly ominous dangers threaten both countries, and enhanced bilateral cooperation in countering them can help to reinvigorate the U.S. perception of Israel as an invaluable strategic asset.
President Bush and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld are both ardent supporters of developing a National Missile Defense system to protect against the menace posed by rogue states armed with advanced missile technology. With his rich military background, Ariel Sharon is ideally suited to strengthen cooperation with the American government on this issue and make it a cornerstone of U.S.-Israel relations.
The same holds true for countering the spread of militant Islamic fundamentalism. The fact that arch-terrorist Osama bin Linden has reportedly begun to target Israel as well as the United States only underscores the importance of the issue to both countries, opening further avenues for increased collaboration.
The American Jewish community has an important role to play in this dynamic. By stressing the need to refocus the U.S.-Israel relationship away from the peace process and toward enhanced strategic cooperation, American Jewry can help to place the bilateral friendship on a more solid footing, one that is not contingent on the whims of Yasser Arafat or the signing of additional agreements.
It is therefore time for American Jews to stop worrying and start working. Instead of viewing the two countries? change in leadership as an intimidating challenge, it should be looked upon as a great opportunity. Because finally, after eight years, the American government may cease to be patronizing toward Israel, and resume its role as a true patron and friend.
(Reprinted from the Jerusalem Post with the author's permission)
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The writer served as Deputy Director for Communications & Policy Planning in the Israeli Prime Minister?s Office from 1996 to 1999.
The reason behind this misplaced anxiety is quite simple: after eight years of being told repeatedly by the media that Bill Clinton was ?the best friend Israel ever had in the White House?, it appears that many American Jews actually began to believe it. Consequently, they are now concerned that whatever may follow can not serve as a suitable replacement.
But a closer look at the situation reveals a reality that is far more soothing, even comforting. For the rise to power of George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon presents a unique opportunity to repair the damage ? yes, the damage ? done by the Clinton Administration to the U.S.-Israel relationship. Both in terms of the peace process and the bilateral U.S.-Israel alliance, Clinton did profound harm.
In the seven years following the signing of the 1993 Oslo Accords on the White House Lawn, Clinton consistently ignored Yasser Arafat?s near-flawless record of violating every commitment he had undertaken. Instead, Clinton pressured Israel to sign additional agreements and yield more territory to Arafat. Palestinian Authority (PA) profligacy and corruption, and its flouting of the most basic human rights, also failed to elicit Mr. Clinton?s condemnation.
By consistently turning a blind eye to Arafat?s shenanigans, Clinton effectively invited further abuses by the Palestinian leader. Arafat quickly learned that he could act with near impunity toward Israel, having little to fear from the Clinton-Gore team?s feeble response.
Nowhere was this failed approach more evident than in the US position toward the Palestinian terrorism and violence of the past four months. Despite the PA?s brazen involvement in terror against Israel, not once did Clinton publicly call Arafat to order or point the finger at him for instigating the bloodshed.
Rather than chastising Arafat for the violence, Clinton decided to reward him by becoming the first American President to propose the division of Jerusalem and to essentially recognize the ?right? of the Palestinians to a state of their own.
To paraphrase one of Clinton?s presidential predecessors: is Israel better off today than it was eight years ago? The answer with regard to the Palestinians is a clear and emphatic ?No?. Clinton?s Middle East legacy is a weakened and demoralized Jewish state facing a Palestinian entity armed to the teeth with both ammunition and international legitimacy.
In terms of the Israel-U.S. bilateral relationship, Clinton set a dangerous precedent: never before has an American president intervened so audaciously in Israel?s internal affairs. Clinton?s reported dispatch of campaign gurus Jim Carville and Stanley Greenberg to help Ehud Barak in Israel?s 1999 elections was a coarse violation of Israel?s democracy. A true friend would have allowed Israel?s citizens to make their own choice. By working to tilt the balance in favor of a particular candidate, Clinton treated Israel less like a friend and more like a dependent.
This is why the ascension of George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon may ultimately prove to be a real blessing for the relationship between the two countries. Bush will almost certainly refrain from Clintonesque meddling in Israel?s affairs, while Sharon will vigilantly safeguard Israel?s sovereignty and national integrity. Working together, they can restore a sense of balance to the U.S.-Israel friendship, one in which Israel is treasured as an ally, rather than trampled upon.
Since Clinton played a key, highly personal role in forging Israeli-Palestinian agreements, he necessarily made this the centerpiece of U.S.-Israel relations, to the detriment of other crucial issues. If as expected the Bush administration adopts a lower profile in the peace process, it will enable the U.S. and Israel to focus on more pressing strategic issues, such as ballistic missile proliferation and fundamentalist terrorism. These increasingly ominous dangers threaten both countries, and enhanced bilateral cooperation in countering them can help to reinvigorate the U.S. perception of Israel as an invaluable strategic asset.
President Bush and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld are both ardent supporters of developing a National Missile Defense system to protect against the menace posed by rogue states armed with advanced missile technology. With his rich military background, Ariel Sharon is ideally suited to strengthen cooperation with the American government on this issue and make it a cornerstone of U.S.-Israel relations.
The same holds true for countering the spread of militant Islamic fundamentalism. The fact that arch-terrorist Osama bin Linden has reportedly begun to target Israel as well as the United States only underscores the importance of the issue to both countries, opening further avenues for increased collaboration.
The American Jewish community has an important role to play in this dynamic. By stressing the need to refocus the U.S.-Israel relationship away from the peace process and toward enhanced strategic cooperation, American Jewry can help to place the bilateral friendship on a more solid footing, one that is not contingent on the whims of Yasser Arafat or the signing of additional agreements.
It is therefore time for American Jews to stop worrying and start working. Instead of viewing the two countries? change in leadership as an intimidating challenge, it should be looked upon as a great opportunity. Because finally, after eight years, the American government may cease to be patronizing toward Israel, and resume its role as a true patron and friend.
(Reprinted from the Jerusalem Post with the author's permission)
-----------------------------------------
The writer served as Deputy Director for Communications & Policy Planning in the Israeli Prime Minister?s Office from 1996 to 1999.