MK Tzvi Hendel of the National Union, who claimed long ago that Sharon's interest in initiating the disengagement from Gaza was to ensure that he not be indicted in the Greek Island affair, said today that he stands by this accusation, "even more strongly than ever." He explained to Arutz-7 today as follows:
"[I have] solid information to the effect that the decision to uproot all the communities in Gaza was made by Sharon and his aides after they learned that an indictment was to be handed down against David Appel on charges of bribing the Prime Minister. They then convened in the farm [Sharon's Shikmim Farm in the Negev], and decided to initiate a major diplomatic move - and there are precedents in the world that when major moves of this nature are begun, various [criminal] cases are closed. This was the motive; I know this for a fact. I know exactly who said what, and who answered what...
"At first, Arik [Ariel Sharon] did not agree that this disengagement plan should be the one, and so they looked for another plan, but at the end, it was decided on this plan [of Gaza and northern Shomron].
"With regard to the Attorney-General - and here I don't have facts; I am merely assuming, though I feel I am on pretty solid ground - it's not likely that he would have written up a 78-page document [as he did in this case] for any other Joe Shmoe. He did this only because it was the Prime Minister - and this was legitimate. Because in this case, a decision to indict would have meant, in essence, the firing of the Prime Minister. Mazuz therefore concluded that based on the facts at hand, which he apparently felt were not so strong, he could not bring about the firing of a Prime Minister in the midst of major diplomatic processes.
"I have no choice but to assume this, because it can't be that a group of prosecutors comes to one conclusion, and then the Attorney-General comes to a completely opposite one - unless he has other considerations, which I say again, are legitimate unto themselves; I know that the Supreme Court ruled that there must be equal standards for public servants and for everyone else, but it is not human and not logical to ignore the political ramifications. Regarding Joe Shmoe, if there is a doubt, you can indict him, and let the court decide; but here, with the Prime Minister, if there is a reasonable doubt, the mere indictment would lead to the resignation of the Prime Minister."
"The main point is," Hendel concluded, "that only a few weeks before Sharon announced the disengagement plan, he was of the opinion that Gush Katif and even Netzarim are critically important strategic areas, and that he could not consider abandoning them. Only the threat of being indicted changed his mind."
"[I have] solid information to the effect that the decision to uproot all the communities in Gaza was made by Sharon and his aides after they learned that an indictment was to be handed down against David Appel on charges of bribing the Prime Minister. They then convened in the farm [Sharon's Shikmim Farm in the Negev], and decided to initiate a major diplomatic move - and there are precedents in the world that when major moves of this nature are begun, various [criminal] cases are closed. This was the motive; I know this for a fact. I know exactly who said what, and who answered what...
"At first, Arik [Ariel Sharon] did not agree that this disengagement plan should be the one, and so they looked for another plan, but at the end, it was decided on this plan [of Gaza and northern Shomron].
"With regard to the Attorney-General - and here I don't have facts; I am merely assuming, though I feel I am on pretty solid ground - it's not likely that he would have written up a 78-page document [as he did in this case] for any other Joe Shmoe. He did this only because it was the Prime Minister - and this was legitimate. Because in this case, a decision to indict would have meant, in essence, the firing of the Prime Minister. Mazuz therefore concluded that based on the facts at hand, which he apparently felt were not so strong, he could not bring about the firing of a Prime Minister in the midst of major diplomatic processes.
"I have no choice but to assume this, because it can't be that a group of prosecutors comes to one conclusion, and then the Attorney-General comes to a completely opposite one - unless he has other considerations, which I say again, are legitimate unto themselves; I know that the Supreme Court ruled that there must be equal standards for public servants and for everyone else, but it is not human and not logical to ignore the political ramifications. Regarding Joe Shmoe, if there is a doubt, you can indict him, and let the court decide; but here, with the Prime Minister, if there is a reasonable doubt, the mere indictment would lead to the resignation of the Prime Minister."
"The main point is," Hendel concluded, "that only a few weeks before Sharon announced the disengagement plan, he was of the opinion that Gush Katif and even Netzarim are critically important strategic areas, and that he could not consider abandoning them. Only the threat of being indicted changed his mind."