The "compromise" nature of the newly approved disengagement plan enables all the sides to read into it their own interpretations. Arutz-7's Yosef Meiri notes that this is apparently why several apparently conflicting declarations in the Cabinet resolution don't appear to bother either side. The reference is to the opening declaration that the "government hereby approves an amended disengagement plan," followed by, "This decision does not indicate the dismantling of communities."
Neither is either of the above seen to be contradicted by Clause 3.1, which states, "The State of Israel will evacuate the communities in the Gaza Strip, and will redeploy outside the area of the Strip." In this vein, Clause 3.2 states, "The State of Israel will evacuate an area in the northern Shomron (Ganim, Kadim, Sa-Nur and Chomesh), and will redeploy outside this area" - and 3.3 reads, "The intention is to complete the planned evacuation process by the end of 2005."
Arutz-7's Haggai Huberman notes, however, that some of the more practical clauses are somewhat more unambiguous. "Government programs for construction and development that have not yet been undertaken will not be started" means, for instance, that if an extra kindergarten or classroom is needed, it will not be built. "Is there a clearer sign of the suffocation of a town than that?" Huberman asks.
He notes that although an "exceptions committee" will be formed, "it will work both ways. It is empowered not only to enable not-yet started buildings to be built, but also to stop buildings in the middle. The committee is headed by Sharon's man, and one of its other two is a representative of Tommy Lapid - so it's not hard to imagine how its decisions will go."
The current plan is an improvement, Meiri adds, in the following two points: The original version called for a ban on all construction permits, whereas now only government-funded projects are automatically banned. In addition, the "exceptions committee" was originally slated to deal only with freezing building starts already underway, whereas now its mandate is also to unfreeze some projects that have not yet started.
Neither is either of the above seen to be contradicted by Clause 3.1, which states, "The State of Israel will evacuate the communities in the Gaza Strip, and will redeploy outside the area of the Strip." In this vein, Clause 3.2 states, "The State of Israel will evacuate an area in the northern Shomron (Ganim, Kadim, Sa-Nur and Chomesh), and will redeploy outside this area" - and 3.3 reads, "The intention is to complete the planned evacuation process by the end of 2005."
Arutz-7's Haggai Huberman notes, however, that some of the more practical clauses are somewhat more unambiguous. "Government programs for construction and development that have not yet been undertaken will not be started" means, for instance, that if an extra kindergarten or classroom is needed, it will not be built. "Is there a clearer sign of the suffocation of a town than that?" Huberman asks.
He notes that although an "exceptions committee" will be formed, "it will work both ways. It is empowered not only to enable not-yet started buildings to be built, but also to stop buildings in the middle. The committee is headed by Sharon's man, and one of its other two is a representative of Tommy Lapid - so it's not hard to imagine how its decisions will go."
The current plan is an improvement, Meiri adds, in the following two points: The original version called for a ban on all construction permits, whereas now only government-funded projects are automatically banned. In addition, the "exceptions committee" was originally slated to deal only with freezing building starts already underway, whereas now its mandate is also to unfreeze some projects that have not yet started.