Jonathan Pollard
Jonathan PollardPhoto: INN

The opening of the 26th Knesset delivered a striking visual metaphor for the current state of Israeli coalition politics. As the strains of "Hatikvah" filled the plenum, United Torah Judaism (UTJ) MK Yaakov Asher stood in silence, matching the non-participation of Ra'am leader Mansour Abbas. While the image of a Haredi lawmaker and an Islamist politician joined in mutual refusal to sing the national anthem shocked many, it merely exposed a raw, uncomfortable truth: when it comes to the State of Israel, both sectors operate on an identical, highly transactional philosophy-withholding ideological allegiance while demanding maximum financial reward.

For decades, mainstream Israeli society has been told to respect the nuances of Haredi non-Zionism. Apologists explain that their j refusal to fully embrace the symbols of the state is rooted in deep theological convictions about the messianic era. But the spectacle at the Knesset opening strips away the theological cover, revealing what critics increasingly view as brazen hypocrisy.

The contradiction is impossible to ignore.

How can political factions consistently reject the foundational legitimacy of the Jewish state, refuse to stand for its anthem, and opt out of its existential burdens of civic and military service, while simultaneously utilizing their political leverage to extract billions in sector-specific funding? From this perspective, the strategy is less about religious preservation and more about political extortion-treating the state treasury as an open ledger to fund a society that chooses to live apart from the very state sustaining it.

In this regard, the line separating the anti-Zionist Arab parties from the non-Zionist Haredi parties has blurred. Both factions view the state through a purely instrumental lens. Arab lawmakers reject the definition of Israel as a Jewish state, viewing its national symbols as exclusionary, yet they pragmatically engage in the political process to secure budgets for their constituents. UTJ, while believing in the holiness of Eretz Yisrael and the Jewish right to it, operates on the exact same blueprint. The irony is stark: a sector that claims Jewish authenticity behaves no differently than the political factions it frequently labels as hostile to the state's identity.

When politicians are willing to govern, vote on national laws, and pocket state funds, they cannot simultaneously pretend to be above the state's symbolic identity. Standing silent during Hatikvah while actively participating in the distribution of its resources is not a principled theological stance. To a growing number of taxpayers who foot the bill and serve in the military, it looks like a cynical betrayal of the social contract- one where the rewards of citizenship are aggressively claimed, but the responsibilities and respect owed to the state are utterly denied.

Yet, pointing out this hypocrisy is not an attack on the Haredi people themselves, but rather an indictment of their blatantly extortionist leadership. Genuine hope for the future lies in the complete social and economic integration of the Haredi population into a broader Israeli society. A healthy, unified nation requires their full participation- including sharing the national burden through some form of national service of their choice.

For this critical integration to occur, however, Haredi constituents must ultimately reject their current political leadership. For far too long, these religious politicians have brainwashed, de-educated and impoverished their own voters. True change will only come when ordinary Haredi citizens break free from this manufactured dependency, demand a modern education, join the workforce, and choose leaders who seek to build bridges with the state rather than exploit it