Jonathan Pollard
Jonathan PollardHezki Baruch

The construction of a new sand berm and reinforced concrete barrier along the Gaza border may improve Israel's tactical security, but it is unlikely to achieve the strategic objective of defeating Hamas. History demonstrates that defensive fortifications can reduce infiltration, slow attacks, and protect civilian populations, yet they rarely eliminate determined adversaries. At best, such structures manage a security threat; they do not remove its underlying sources or destroy the organisation that poses it.

Military barriers have long been part of warfare. From the Great Wall of China to the Maginot Line, defensive works have often provided temporary advantages while adversaries adapted their tactics. Hamas has repeatedly shown its ability to innovate in response to Israeli defensive measures.

-When border fences became more sophisticated, Hamas invested heavily in tunnel networks.

-When tunnels were detected and destroyed more effectively, the group increased its use of rockets, drones, anti-tank missiles, and coordinated raids.

This pattern illustrates a fundamental reality: static defences encourage adaptation rather than surrender.

A sand berm and concrete barrier may complicate cross-border attacks, but they cannot prevent Hamas from rebuilding its military capabilities if the organisation retains the resources, leadership, recruitment base, and political influence to do so. Nor can physical barriers stop the development of longer-range weapons, fiber optic controlled drones, cyber operations, or other methods that do not depend on crossing the border directly.

There is also an economic dimension. Constructing and maintaining extensive defensive infrastructure requires substantial public expenditure and long-term military commitment. Hamas, by contrast, can often force Israel to devote disproportionate resources to defence by investing relatively modest sums in developing new methods of attack. This dynamic can create an enduring cycle in which each new defensive measure prompts another round of offensive adaptation.

Supporters of such barriers correctly argue that they save lives. By making infiltration more difficult, barriers can provide valuable warning time, reduce casualties, and strengthen border security. These are significant achievements and should not be dismissed. However, improving security is not the same as defeating an adversary. A barrier addresses the symptoms of a conflict rather than resolving the conflict itself.

The broader challenge is that Hamas is not merely a military force but also an organised political and ideological movement. Organisations of this type are rarely defeated solely through engineering projects or defensive fortifications. Lasting strategic success typically requires a combination of military pressure, intelligence operations, financial disruption, effective governance, regional diplomacy, and the development of credible alternatives to extremist rule. Without these complementary efforts, physical barriers risk becoming permanent fixtures that contain violence without ending it.

History offers numerous examples of heavily fortified borders that reduced but did not eliminate conflict. Even the Korean Demilitarised Zone, which has prevented large-scale invasion for decades, has not resolved the underlying political confrontation. Similar lessons can be drawn from fortified frontiers elsewhere: they often succeed in deterring certain forms of attack while leaving the fundamental dispute unresolved.

Ultimately, the effectiveness of a sand berm and concrete barrier should be judged by realistic expectations. If the objective is to reduce infiltration, improve response times, and protect border communities, such infrastructure may prove valuable. If the objective is the destruction of Hamas as an organisation, however, defensive construction alone is unlikely to achieve that result. Strategic victory requires more than stronger walls; it requires addressing the military, political, economic, and ideological dimensions of the conflict simultaneously.

In this sense, the proposed barrier represents a defensive tool rather than a decisive solution. It may help manage the threat posed by Hamas for years to come, but managing a threat is fundamentally different from eliminating it. As long as Hamas or a similar organisation retains the capacity and motivation to adapt, defensive fortifications alone are unlikely to bring the conflict to a definitive end.

This is why I, and many others, have called for an end to President Trump’s “Board of Peace" in favor of a concerted campaign to eradicate Hamas once and for all. Indeed, the only way our southern communities can truly be safe from Hamas raids and rocket attacks is if the brainwashed Gazan population is expelled and Israel annexes the Strip. By building yet another frontier defense system, instead, the Israeli government is needlessly endangering the lives of countless Israeli citizens, who rightfully demand an end to the threat of Islamist terror.