Mein Kampf
Mein Kampfצילום: רויטרס

Yom Hashoah is not only a time to mourn the murder of six million Jews. It is also a time to think clearly about what made the Holocaust different from previous persecutions of Jews and from other genocides. Unless we understand what was unprecedented about it, we will fail to draw the right lessons from it.

In his pioneering study of the Nazi destruction process, political scientist Raul Hilberg traced the evolution of anti-Jewish persecution with chilling precision. Christian missionaries, he wrote, effectively told the Jews: “You have no right to live among us as Jews." Secular rulers who followed declared: “You have no right to live among us." The Nazis went further: “You have no right to live."

That progression matters. It captures, in a few stark phrases, the historical escalation from discrimination, expulsion, and forced conversion to systematic annihilation.

For centuries, Jews had developed ways to survive persecution. They petitioned rulers, purchased protection, ransomed prisoners, organized relief, rebuilt shattered communities, fled when necessary, and sometimes complied with decrees in the hope of avoiding something even worse. These were not acts of cowardice, but practical survival strategies. They were forged through bitter historical experience and, for long stretches of Jewish history, they worked well enough to preserve Jewish life.

That is one reason the Holocaust was so devastating. Many Jews confronted the Nazi threat with assumptions shaped by earlier persecutions. They believed that the old rules still applied. They did not understand that Nazi antisemitism was not another round of oppression, however cruel. It was something far more radical: a total, ideological, bureaucratic, and industrialized campaign to exterminate every Jew the Nazis could reach.

This was especially true in Germany.

German Jews were not naïve. As intellectual historian Paul Mendes-Flohr explained, they were well aware of the tensions and ambiguities of emancipation. From the days of Moses Mendelssohn onward, many German Jews sought entry into the enlightened, educated German middle class, hoping to participate fully in the society to which they contributed so much. Yet, as Hannah Arendt observed, German society made clear that while Jews might attain “political, economic, and legal equality," they would not necessarily be granted social equality. Only “exceptions from the Jewish people would be received." Jews who were admitted into polite society understood the ambiguity: they were accepted only insofar as they were seen as “Jews and yet presumably not like Jews."

That fragile bargain proved catastrophic.

On the eve of Hitler’s rise to power, many Jews in Germany still believed that the tactics which had enabled Jewish communities to endure earlier waves of persecution would once again suffice. Others believed that their patriotism, refinement, and contributions to German society had rendered them indispensable. Hilberg summarized the illusion with bitter irony: many assumed that “one does not kill the cow one wants to milk." Jews had excelled in medicine, science, commerce, law, literature, and the arts. They thought Germany needed them. Many believed a cultivated European nation would not destroy people who had served it so loyally.

They were wrong.

Nazi antisemitism was not merely social prejudice, political scapegoating, or even violent hatred in a familiar form. The Jews were cast not simply as inferior, but as a cosmic threat - the alleged corrupters of civilization, the “world enemy" of the Aryan race.

Historian Richard J. Evans warned against the temptation to flatten the Holocaust into one more example of generic mass murder. Comparisons with other atrocities can be useful, he noted, but they can also “blur distinctions by homogenising all acts of mass murder until it is impossible to tell them apart." For Hitler, the Jews were not merely to be oppressed, expelled, or subordinated. They were to be hunted down, humiliated, and murdered without exception.

That is what made the Holocaust distinct.

To say that is not to belittle other tragedies. It is not a competition in suffering. Historian Henry L. Feingold put the matter plainly: “What is being measured is the importance of the event in history." He warned that if the Holocaust is “subsumed in facile comparisons with every trespass human flesh has been heir to," we risk losing the possibility of understanding its meaning. That meaning, he argued, lies in its specificity.

And its specificity was undeniable.

The Holocaust was not a spontaneous outburst of mob violence. It was not a local massacre. It was not a temporary explosion of wartime brutality. It was a state-driven project to eliminate an entire people, wherever they could be found, using modern administration, modern transportation, modern record-keeping, modern propaganda, and modern killing techniques.

The ancient hatred of Jews had entered the modern age and weaponized the tools of modern civilization.

There is another painful lesson here.

Even outside Germany, Jews often clung to the belief that they were too integrated, too useful, or too essential to be destroyed. Elie Wiesel recalled that in Sighet, Hungary, Jews heard reports of what was happening in Poland, but these reports did not produce the fear they should have. The rabbis said, “Nothing will happen to us, for G-d needs us." The merchants said, “The country needs us." The doctors said, “The town needs us." Wiesel wrote that they all considered themselves “indispensable and irreplaceable." Even when certificates for Palestine became available, almost no one wanted to leave. They believed “we are all right here, the people are friendly, they cannot do without us and they know it."

That confidence was understandable. It was also fatal.

Yom Hashoah therefore is not only about remembering the dead. It is about examining the assumptions of the living.

What, then, should Jews learn?

First, anti-Jewish hatred is protean. It changes language, tone, and political clothing, but it persists. Jews have been hated for being separate and for trying to assimilate, for being poor and for being successful, for being powerless and for allegedly controlling everything. The accusations mutate because the hatred is not fundamentally about what Jews do. It is about the role Jews are made to play in the moral imagination of those who need a scapegoat.

Second, achievement and acceptance do not guarantee security. German Jews were among the most cultured, patriotic, productive, and integrated Jews in modern history. None of that saved them. Assimilation did not disarm hatred. Success did not neutralize it. Exceptionalism did not shield them from it.

Third, not every threat can be managed by public relations. Jews are often tempted to believe that if they explain themselves better, contribute more, soften their profile, or behave impeccably, hatred will recede. Sometimes truth-telling matters. Sometimes diplomacy matters. But history teaches that there are moments when hatred is not waiting to be reasoned with. It is waiting for an opportunity.

That lesson is not paranoia. It is realism.

There are many decent people in the world, and Jews should never lose sight of that. But Yom Hashoah reminds us that there will also always be some who hate Jews with a passion untouched by facts, morality, or gratitude. In some places that hatred is muted. In others it is fashionable. In still others, especially in parts of the Middle East and beyond, it is explicit, relentless, and eliminationist.

This is why Yom Hashoah must be more than ceremony. It must be a day of moral and historical clarity.

The Holocaust was unique not because Jews alone have suffered, but because the Germans transformed centuries of anti-Jewish persecution into an unprecedented program of total annihilation. Jews had survived previous persecutions because those persecutors still left openings - conversion, expulsion, ransom, escape, accommodation, reconstruction. The Nazis closed those openings. They did not seek to pressure Jews, marginalize Jews, or remove Jews from certain places. They sought a world without Jews.

That is why the Holocaust must be remembered in its full distinctiveness.

And that is why the question of Yom Hashoah is not only what happened then, but what we do now.

Do we tell ourselves comforting stories? Or do we tell ourselves the truth?

Do we assume that if we are good enough, useful enough, admired enough, or assimilated enough, we will be spared? Or do we finally accept that there are times in Jewish history when the only responsible response is to strengthen Jewish identity, deepen Jewish truth, build Jewish resilience, and prepare for dangers that others prefer not to see?

Memory without clarity is sentimentality.

Memory with clarity is responsibility.

Dr. Alex Grobman is the senior resident scholar at the John C. Danforth Society, a member of the Council of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East and on the advisory board of the National Christian Leadership Conference of Israel (NCLCI). He has an MA and PhD in contemporary Jewish history from The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.