In May 2004, the promising Bukharian diamond business owner Eduard Nektalov was gunned down on a crowded street in Manhattan's Diamond District. Speculating on the possible cause of his assassination, some local press outlets argued that it may have been a Colombian mob connection. In response to the slanderous rumors, the

Leviev has been on the receiving end of protests led by the Palestinian group Adalah-NY and the leftist Jews Against the Occupation.

Bukharian Jewish community united around the Nektalov family, challenging the local press and legal authorities to find credible evidence. Ultimately, no evidence of mob ties was found, but in the court of public opinion, a correction to a slanderous story almost always appears buried in the middle of the newspaper, greatly damaging the reputation of Nektalov and his community.

Earlier this summer, the New York Times published an article that negatively portrayed Bukharian Jewish homeowners in Forest Hills, New York. Relying largely on anonymous sources, it accused the homeowners of illegal activities. In response, the community fiercely defended its right to built large family homes, pointing out that the alterations were within the letter of the zoning law. Both the coverage of the Nektalov murder and the Times article appeared to go beyond mere criticism, hinting at religious and ethnic overtones.

The community's strong response to defamation has helped strengthen it. But what happens when its strongest member is the target of slander and bigotry? For more than a year, Lev Leviev has been on the receiving end of protests led by the Palestinian group Adalah-NY and the leftist Jews Against the Occupation, challenging almost every aspect of his career - from his New York condominiums, his proposed store in Dubai, his Angolan diamond mines to his funding of Jewish communities in Israeli-controlled territories.

There has been hardly a word from Bukharian and mainstream Jewish community leaders; likewise, hardly a word from those who benefit from his philanthropic ventures. It could be that many people assume that due to Leviev's stature, he can defend himself without any assistance. After all, he is "only" the 210th wealthiest person on the planet; and what effect could a ragtag group of leftists have on Africa-Israel and Leviev-Boymelgreen?

Leviev's philanthropic ventures, such as the Or Avner schools, the Queens Gymnasia, the Bukharian Jewish Community Center, and countless other enterprises, are all the result of his legendary business acumen. From a religious point of view, Leviev's material success is actually the result of G-d's will, which rewards those who give back to the community. At the same time, the Torah presents numerous examples of the community's success being based almost entirely on its unity. By standing behind Leviev, as it did with Nektalov, the community would be demonstrating not only unity, but also faith in the man who is a major pillar of Jewish continuity through the yeshivas, synagogues and publications which he funds.

Now, let's discuss the accusations. Adalah accuses Leviev of displacing Palestinian Arabs in favor of the Matityahu and Maaleh Adumim settlements. This is patently false because most Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria are located on previously uninhabited hilltops, and most of the land was either purchased or legally obtained for Israel's security needs. Besides, who is to say that Judea and Samaria are not Jewish, if these are the lands containing the tombs of the prophets Joseph, Joshua and Samuel?

As for his New York condominium developments, the Indypendent (a leftist publication) accuses Leviev of pushing low-income tenants out of certain Brooklyn neighborhoods. Again, there is nothing illegal about building apartments exclusively for the wealthy. Donald Trump built his reputation on it and most people respect him for his sound business judgment. Neighborhoods change, just look at Forest Hills. Eventually, small huts are replaced by larger dwellings. This is how the free market works.

Finally, his diamond operations in Angola are accused of using heavy-handed tactics; as if they are any worse than what they were under De Beers, whose monopoly Leviev broke in 1991, empowering African nations such as Angola.

The legacy of Leviev stretches from Russia to Ramat Gan to Rego Park.

The attacks against Leviev go beyond his activities; they are personal. They are meant to impede his abilities not only as a business owner, but also as a builder of viable Jewish communities.

The legacy of Leviev stretches from Russia to Ramat Gan to Rego Park. It is no exaggeration to say that his efforts helped produce a cultural renaissance among Bukharian Jews in America. He helped mitigate the impact of assimilation. The sight of an observant and prosperous Jew is very uncomfortable to Palestinians and leftists alike.

Throughout history, our enemies triumphed because they were united and we were complacent, beset by infighting. When so much of the community's welfare depends on one man, shouldn't we express proper hakarat hatov, by defending him? After all, his interests are our interests. Synagogues, schools and settlements - they are proud Jewish interests.