Labeling Ehud Olmert a "master politician" for rising to Deputy Prime Minister and then Prime Minister from being a less-than-well-loved mayor, and then number 32 on the Likud list of 2003, leaves room for another explanation. His place in the Kadima hierarchy may have had less to do with his political savvy and more to do with the

Ehud Olmert was a shoe-in when it came to achieving the position of Deputy Prime Minister.

strategy of strongman Ariel Sharon, as viewed through a wider-angle lens.


As strongmen Joseph Stalin and Saddam Hussein did before him, Sharon chose his cohorts carefully. They took care to surround themselves with weak men of little ability and less popularity. When a general or other public servant excelled or acquired a following among the people, he was quickly removed from his position of authority. And his chances of avoiding a death sentence went from poor to non-existent.


Sharon, who headed an open and democratic country, did not have their totalitarian tactics at his disposal for ridding himself of unwanted competition. As a result, he had to be even more careful when choosing his ministers and the members of his cabinet.


Of course, like the others, he apparently assumed that he would be heading his government well into the foreseeable future. Apparently, too, he was sure he could personally replace a Foreign Minister or Minister of Defense or have any of the other ministers replaced should they become a problem. That meant their weakness was not a problem. Instead, their weakness was a way of ensuring there would be no competition for his long-term role as Prime Minister of Israel.


Ehud Olmert was a shoe-in when it came to achieving the position of Deputy Prime Minister. His "success" as Minister of Communications may have been the clincher. At the end of his term, the Israel Broadcasting Authority (IBA) for which he was responsible was so beset by problems that Sharon established a 28-member committee to deal with them.


Olmert's ("lackluster" does not seem to describe it) performance as the appointed Minister of Communications made him the ideal "anointed" for the role of Deputy Prime Minister. Ideal, that is, in strongman terms. The very opposite when it comes to choosing candidates entrusted with pursuing the public good in a democracy.


Nor can his ability to extricate himself from political muck of his own making be viewed as proof of political mastery. His repeated need to extricate himself since becoming Prime Minister suggests that his success to date may simply be attributable to practice, practice, practice.


Today, he is apparently seeking to distract us, the public, from his personal disasters by dabbling in a variety of

Now is the time for all good men and women in the government to come to the aid of the people.

negotiations and possible agreements. In doing so, his partners are those who, by their words and actions, have defined themselves as intractable enemies of Israel and the Jewish people. Yet, he is proceeding as if their signatures on a peace-on-paper in the present will mean their peaceful conduct in the future.


Given the level of the Olmert leadership, now is the time for all good men and women in the government to come to the aid of the people, the people of Israel. Now is the time to set aside thoughts and desires of personal gain and do what is necessary to ensure the next 60 successful years of Israel's existence.


The value in the absence of Ehud Olmert from power far outweighs the value of his presence in the government. Now is the time to deal not only with the Olmert problem, but with the pressing problems that his antics have pushed to the sidelines. Now is the time to place a limit on the Olmert cottage industry that leaves ever more problems in its wake.


This is a small nation. How many more 28-member panels can we afford?


©2008 Sheila Lampert