Like a tenant, wondering whether he ought to renew the contract between himself and the landlord, and continue living in his rented room, the faith-based, nationalist public now stands on the threshold of the country, dithering: Is it worth my while to continue living with these people, even though they haven't held up their part of the deal? Do they deserve my rent money? Is this home really 'the beginning of the Redemption', or perhaps it's better to disengage from it, maybe even to start another state in its place?
It appears that even after many years of impressive involvement in the life of the state, sometimes even dominance, the faithful nationalist community still suffers from a minority mentality, seeing itself as a splinter-group at the edges of Israeli society. A nice splinter-group, with values and right on its side, but still on the fringe: a boarder renting one room, not a big room at that, at the end of the hall of the secular state.
Sometimes, they let him sit in the living room, and pour himself a cup of tea in the kitchen, and serve in the army, like real members of the household. Even to be an officer! But a boarder he was and a boarder he will remain, even if he believes himself to be better than the ruling secular "elite", more righteous than they, possessing a better concept of how to defend and improve the country. The government, media, army and court system always remain in the hands of the secular "elite". This is accepted as an axiom by the religious tenant, who thinks his only options are to feel silently righteous in his room, or to yell "No fair! No fair!" and run out of the house with a slam of the door.
This attitude among the belief-based nationalist public is exactly what the secular "elite" hoped to perpetuate with the Disengagement Plan, in order to prevent any threat to its hegemony on the country. It is obviously not the "occupation" that bothers them, nor the quality of life of the Arabs of Gaza, which has only deteriorated in the wake of the transfer of Gaza to Hamas. What irked the secular "elite" was the crushing victory of the right-wing in the last elections, and the high and ever-increasing presence of people wearing kippot in the army and in general society. Those religious, right-wing "radicals" had forgotten their place, daring to enter the living room of the national home.
Unlike the religious public, which continues to feel and act like a marginal minority even though it is large and strong, the secular Left makes sure it oozes self-confidence and dominance, even as its numbers and idealism dwindle. "L'etat c'est moi!" - "I am the State!" - the few surviving Leftists yell at the top of their lungs, and the mighty religious masses believe them. Forums are held in which rabbis, mayors and concerned citizens worry about how best to fit into the disengaging, left-wing, secular state.
The fictitious owners of the national home only wanted Gush Katif destroyed in order to wipe out "religious Messianism", to break "the rabbis" and to triumph over "the settlers". That is what unified the various and sundry forces that paved the way for Ariel Sharon's bulldozer; indeed, that is what moved the bulldozer. "Disengagement," they declare, "will enable Israel to be a Jewish and democratic state." What they really mean is: "Israel can finally be a 'normal', secular, Western state."
"We've been relieved of oppressing another nation," they sigh in relief. What they really mean is: "We've been saved from the rule of the religious Right."
The religious Right won't threaten the minority's power now. The large public who believe that Israel is a Jewish State because G-d gave it to the Jews is much too busy licking its collective wounds, confessing its collective sins, blaming its leaders and coming to terms with its failure in posing any threat to the secular Left. The tenant is preparing the dramatic slam of the door, which will signal his exit from the state once and for all.
It is a big mistake to confuse the people - the good, healthy Jewish public - with the small minority of self-appointed "elite", who professes to speak in the name of The People and to represent them in an anti-settlement struggle. If parts of the nation sometimes get swept along after the secular leftist minority, as happened during the Oslo "peace" process or in the Disengagement public opinion polls, that is mainly because the secular leftist minority exudes more confidence, makes more promises and acts more like the real master of the house.
The secular Left minority still controls the media, the army and the court system only because, deep in his heart, the religious "tenant" still believes that they are a true elite, the "masters of the house", and, as such, they have the right to such control.
[The above article originally appeared in Hebrew in B'Sheva newspaper, August 22, 2005. Translated by Janet Kasten Friedman.]
It appears that even after many years of impressive involvement in the life of the state, sometimes even dominance, the faithful nationalist community still suffers from a minority mentality, seeing itself as a splinter-group at the edges of Israeli society. A nice splinter-group, with values and right on its side, but still on the fringe: a boarder renting one room, not a big room at that, at the end of the hall of the secular state.
Sometimes, they let him sit in the living room, and pour himself a cup of tea in the kitchen, and serve in the army, like real members of the household. Even to be an officer! But a boarder he was and a boarder he will remain, even if he believes himself to be better than the ruling secular "elite", more righteous than they, possessing a better concept of how to defend and improve the country. The government, media, army and court system always remain in the hands of the secular "elite". This is accepted as an axiom by the religious tenant, who thinks his only options are to feel silently righteous in his room, or to yell "No fair! No fair!" and run out of the house with a slam of the door.
This attitude among the belief-based nationalist public is exactly what the secular "elite" hoped to perpetuate with the Disengagement Plan, in order to prevent any threat to its hegemony on the country. It is obviously not the "occupation" that bothers them, nor the quality of life of the Arabs of Gaza, which has only deteriorated in the wake of the transfer of Gaza to Hamas. What irked the secular "elite" was the crushing victory of the right-wing in the last elections, and the high and ever-increasing presence of people wearing kippot in the army and in general society. Those religious, right-wing "radicals" had forgotten their place, daring to enter the living room of the national home.
Unlike the religious public, which continues to feel and act like a marginal minority even though it is large and strong, the secular Left makes sure it oozes self-confidence and dominance, even as its numbers and idealism dwindle. "L'etat c'est moi!" - "I am the State!" - the few surviving Leftists yell at the top of their lungs, and the mighty religious masses believe them. Forums are held in which rabbis, mayors and concerned citizens worry about how best to fit into the disengaging, left-wing, secular state.
The fictitious owners of the national home only wanted Gush Katif destroyed in order to wipe out "religious Messianism", to break "the rabbis" and to triumph over "the settlers". That is what unified the various and sundry forces that paved the way for Ariel Sharon's bulldozer; indeed, that is what moved the bulldozer. "Disengagement," they declare, "will enable Israel to be a Jewish and democratic state." What they really mean is: "Israel can finally be a 'normal', secular, Western state."
"We've been relieved of oppressing another nation," they sigh in relief. What they really mean is: "We've been saved from the rule of the religious Right."
The religious Right won't threaten the minority's power now. The large public who believe that Israel is a Jewish State because G-d gave it to the Jews is much too busy licking its collective wounds, confessing its collective sins, blaming its leaders and coming to terms with its failure in posing any threat to the secular Left. The tenant is preparing the dramatic slam of the door, which will signal his exit from the state once and for all.
It is a big mistake to confuse the people - the good, healthy Jewish public - with the small minority of self-appointed "elite", who professes to speak in the name of The People and to represent them in an anti-settlement struggle. If parts of the nation sometimes get swept along after the secular leftist minority, as happened during the Oslo "peace" process or in the Disengagement public opinion polls, that is mainly because the secular leftist minority exudes more confidence, makes more promises and acts more like the real master of the house.
The secular Left minority still controls the media, the army and the court system only because, deep in his heart, the religious "tenant" still believes that they are a true elite, the "masters of the house", and, as such, they have the right to such control.
[The above article originally appeared in Hebrew in B'Sheva newspaper, August 22, 2005. Translated by Janet Kasten Friedman.]