[Part one of this article can be read at http://www.israelnn.com/article.php3?id=4709.]
It is not easy to revive ideological values in a society that has been told for many years that ideology does not matter. Under these circumstances, Moshe Feiglin's tasks are very difficult. He needs to lead the Manhigut Yehudit faction in a way that allows him to stay visible as its leader, and simultaneously to support other ideologically healthy leaders in the Likud, who can present a serious challenge to Ariel Sharon.
Manhigut realizes very well that it is not strong enough to win the next elections for Likud leader. Therefore, its activity is directed toward strengthening its own base and simultaneously expanding the base of its ideological allies. By its actions, Manhigut has demonstrated that it will support anyone in the party who follows the Likud's ideology. Thus, it actively supported Uzi Landau, who not only loudly declared his objection to Sharon's disengagement policy, but also openly voted against it. Likewise, Manhigut provided substantial backing to Israel Katz and officially disavowed him only when Katz showed ideological weakness. It would be safe to assume that Manhigut will fully embrace Katz again if he realigns his ideology with Likud's ideological platform.
Saying that Manhigut's undertaking is not easy comes from the fact that since the Likud's pre-election Knesset list is voted on by the members of Likud's Central Committee (the "Merkaz"), in order to advance into the Knesset, the movement needs to gain as much support as possible of the approximately 2,500 members of the Merkaz. Manhigut's task of reaching out to the Merkaz is made easier by the fact that they do not need to introduce any foreign elements into the Likud's ideology. On the contrary, they just have to remind the Merkaz members of their past. They have only to clean the dust that has accumulated through the Oslo years off the Likud's clear ideological position.
One might say this is an impossible task, since today the whole Israeli media is geared towards the anti-Zionist idea of dismantling the settlement enterprise. The brainwashing of the people by leftist propaganda goes unopposed, since the Israeli nationalist camp does not even have a single radio channel that can counter this anti-Zionist propaganda. Leaving aside the fact that it is almost impossible to get through the Israeli bureaucracy for obtaining permission for such a channel, the associated cost would doom the whole project.
However, Manhigut has found a simple solution to this seemingly unsolvable problem. By using its most precious resource - its dedicated people - Manhigut has developed a way to reach almost all Merkaz members. It launched the so-called "Project 15" initiative, under which each of Manhigut's 150 Merkaz members was tasked with approaching 15 Merkaz members not belonging to Manhigut. Feiglin believes that with these one-on-one relationships, he will be able to relay to the whole Merkaz that Manhigut's ideology is exactly the Likud's, and nobody can better represent the Likud than Manhigut. Moreover, by this personal approach, Manhigut wants to reawaken the spirit of Judaism and Zionism that exists in every Jewish soul.
This face-to-face approach will make the other Merkaz members see that the so-called "Feiglinists" are not the monsters who want to usurp the Likud (as they are painted by many), but simply Jews who are not indifferent to the fate of the Jewish state and who feel its pain much sharper than the majority of the people.
Manhigut has also created its own newspaper and started to spread the written word, as well. The newspaper Metzuda ("Tower") is distributed by hand by over 400 Manhigut volunteers in an attempt to reach not only ministers, members of Knesset and Merkaz members, but as many Likud voters as possible. Each issue of Metzuda is the best reminder to its readers that they belong to the party founded by Ze'ev Jabotinsky, who warned the Jews that it is disastrous even "if we orally or on scratch of paper renounce our claim" to Eretz Yisrael.
Certainly, Feiglin realizes that the road forward for Manhigut is not strewn only with roses. Since he has tied himself and his colleagues to the Likud, he bears responsibility for all the good and the bad associated with the party. If, G-d forbid, Sharon manages to push through his idee fixe of a Judenrein Gaza, Feiglin and the Manhigut faction will share the blame for this horrific deed with the rest of the Likud. But those who blame Feiglin for dirtying himself by affiliating with the Likud should first answer if it is realistic to expect anyone to emerge clean from the process of cleaning a sewer.
All those who advise Feiglin to quit the Likud and start a new nationalist party from a clean slate should look around. The last three years have unequivocally demonstrated that Feiglin is on the right track. The main proof to this is the absolute disarray within the nationalist camp. The National Religious Party is on the verge of splitting. Moledet and Tekuma have separated from Avigdor Lieberman's Israel Beitenu party. During these three years, neither Effie Eitam, nor Benny Elon, nor Aryeh Eldad, nor Tzvi Hendel, nor Michael Kleiner, nor Avigdor Lieberman have even tried assuming the role of leading the nationalist camp.
It is simply ridiculous to assume that Feiglin's affiliation with the Likud precludes these able and talented people from developing a sound, positive political platform for the nationalist camp. In contrast to their helplessness and complete lack of strategy in the last three years, Feiglin and Manhigut Yehudit have shown that they have a clear short-term and long-term strategy, which they follow.
Does this mean that all the other nationalist parties and groups must immediately shut their doors and rush to the Likud? Of course not. First of all because of the well-known warning against putting all of one's eggs into one basket. And secondly, because the Israeli electorate is so diverse that each of the nationalist parties can easily find a niche for its voters.
At the same time, Feiglin and Manhigut must remain in the Likud and continue the vitally important work of waking up this nationalist party. Feiglin's main challenge is to make clear to the Merkaz members and to the whole Likud that it is Ariel Sharon, and not Manhigut, who is violating the Likud's ideological principles and rudely transforming it into a bad clone of the Labor party. Nobody is positioned better than Feiglin and Manhigut to hasten the hour when the Likud will reject Sharon as its leader.
By remaining in the Likud and strengthening his position, Feiglin will follow the famous chess principle that the threat is often much stronger then the move itself. Feiglin's Manhigut is the only undiluted group inside the party that unequivocally and completely supports the Likud's original nationalist ideology. If the nationalist forces inside the Likud continue to grow, the threat that they will soon become the majority will loom over people like Sharon and Ehud Olmert, making them nervous about their own fate. Because when this finally happens, and the Likud loudly reaffirms its nationalist ideology, it will kick these people out.
The brilliant American syndicated columnist Ben Shapiro wrote on January 5, in his article "The Next Prime Minister of Israel":
"Feiglin recognizes that Israel's largest problem is not intractable external enemies but internal identity. And he seeks a solution not in complacency and appeasement but in that elite-scorned idea, national pride. 'I'm calling for a complete revolution in Jewish identity,' Feiglin stated. 'We need to identify as Jews through the Torah (Bible), because you can't identify the enemy until you identify yourself. Once you know who you are, and once you know that what you are doing is justice, fighting the enemy becomes simple.'"
It is this Jewish identity that Moshe Feiglin and Manhigut Yehudit want to return to the Likud party. It is this Jewish identity that the Likud, with Feiglin as its leader, will then bring to the Jewish state.
[Part 2 of 2]
It is not easy to revive ideological values in a society that has been told for many years that ideology does not matter. Under these circumstances, Moshe Feiglin's tasks are very difficult. He needs to lead the Manhigut Yehudit faction in a way that allows him to stay visible as its leader, and simultaneously to support other ideologically healthy leaders in the Likud, who can present a serious challenge to Ariel Sharon.
Manhigut realizes very well that it is not strong enough to win the next elections for Likud leader. Therefore, its activity is directed toward strengthening its own base and simultaneously expanding the base of its ideological allies. By its actions, Manhigut has demonstrated that it will support anyone in the party who follows the Likud's ideology. Thus, it actively supported Uzi Landau, who not only loudly declared his objection to Sharon's disengagement policy, but also openly voted against it. Likewise, Manhigut provided substantial backing to Israel Katz and officially disavowed him only when Katz showed ideological weakness. It would be safe to assume that Manhigut will fully embrace Katz again if he realigns his ideology with Likud's ideological platform.
Saying that Manhigut's undertaking is not easy comes from the fact that since the Likud's pre-election Knesset list is voted on by the members of Likud's Central Committee (the "Merkaz"), in order to advance into the Knesset, the movement needs to gain as much support as possible of the approximately 2,500 members of the Merkaz. Manhigut's task of reaching out to the Merkaz is made easier by the fact that they do not need to introduce any foreign elements into the Likud's ideology. On the contrary, they just have to remind the Merkaz members of their past. They have only to clean the dust that has accumulated through the Oslo years off the Likud's clear ideological position.
One might say this is an impossible task, since today the whole Israeli media is geared towards the anti-Zionist idea of dismantling the settlement enterprise. The brainwashing of the people by leftist propaganda goes unopposed, since the Israeli nationalist camp does not even have a single radio channel that can counter this anti-Zionist propaganda. Leaving aside the fact that it is almost impossible to get through the Israeli bureaucracy for obtaining permission for such a channel, the associated cost would doom the whole project.
However, Manhigut has found a simple solution to this seemingly unsolvable problem. By using its most precious resource - its dedicated people - Manhigut has developed a way to reach almost all Merkaz members. It launched the so-called "Project 15" initiative, under which each of Manhigut's 150 Merkaz members was tasked with approaching 15 Merkaz members not belonging to Manhigut. Feiglin believes that with these one-on-one relationships, he will be able to relay to the whole Merkaz that Manhigut's ideology is exactly the Likud's, and nobody can better represent the Likud than Manhigut. Moreover, by this personal approach, Manhigut wants to reawaken the spirit of Judaism and Zionism that exists in every Jewish soul.
This face-to-face approach will make the other Merkaz members see that the so-called "Feiglinists" are not the monsters who want to usurp the Likud (as they are painted by many), but simply Jews who are not indifferent to the fate of the Jewish state and who feel its pain much sharper than the majority of the people.
Manhigut has also created its own newspaper and started to spread the written word, as well. The newspaper Metzuda ("Tower") is distributed by hand by over 400 Manhigut volunteers in an attempt to reach not only ministers, members of Knesset and Merkaz members, but as many Likud voters as possible. Each issue of Metzuda is the best reminder to its readers that they belong to the party founded by Ze'ev Jabotinsky, who warned the Jews that it is disastrous even "if we orally or on scratch of paper renounce our claim" to Eretz Yisrael.
Certainly, Feiglin realizes that the road forward for Manhigut is not strewn only with roses. Since he has tied himself and his colleagues to the Likud, he bears responsibility for all the good and the bad associated with the party. If, G-d forbid, Sharon manages to push through his idee fixe of a Judenrein Gaza, Feiglin and the Manhigut faction will share the blame for this horrific deed with the rest of the Likud. But those who blame Feiglin for dirtying himself by affiliating with the Likud should first answer if it is realistic to expect anyone to emerge clean from the process of cleaning a sewer.
All those who advise Feiglin to quit the Likud and start a new nationalist party from a clean slate should look around. The last three years have unequivocally demonstrated that Feiglin is on the right track. The main proof to this is the absolute disarray within the nationalist camp. The National Religious Party is on the verge of splitting. Moledet and Tekuma have separated from Avigdor Lieberman's Israel Beitenu party. During these three years, neither Effie Eitam, nor Benny Elon, nor Aryeh Eldad, nor Tzvi Hendel, nor Michael Kleiner, nor Avigdor Lieberman have even tried assuming the role of leading the nationalist camp.
It is simply ridiculous to assume that Feiglin's affiliation with the Likud precludes these able and talented people from developing a sound, positive political platform for the nationalist camp. In contrast to their helplessness and complete lack of strategy in the last three years, Feiglin and Manhigut Yehudit have shown that they have a clear short-term and long-term strategy, which they follow.
Does this mean that all the other nationalist parties and groups must immediately shut their doors and rush to the Likud? Of course not. First of all because of the well-known warning against putting all of one's eggs into one basket. And secondly, because the Israeli electorate is so diverse that each of the nationalist parties can easily find a niche for its voters.
At the same time, Feiglin and Manhigut must remain in the Likud and continue the vitally important work of waking up this nationalist party. Feiglin's main challenge is to make clear to the Merkaz members and to the whole Likud that it is Ariel Sharon, and not Manhigut, who is violating the Likud's ideological principles and rudely transforming it into a bad clone of the Labor party. Nobody is positioned better than Feiglin and Manhigut to hasten the hour when the Likud will reject Sharon as its leader.
By remaining in the Likud and strengthening his position, Feiglin will follow the famous chess principle that the threat is often much stronger then the move itself. Feiglin's Manhigut is the only undiluted group inside the party that unequivocally and completely supports the Likud's original nationalist ideology. If the nationalist forces inside the Likud continue to grow, the threat that they will soon become the majority will loom over people like Sharon and Ehud Olmert, making them nervous about their own fate. Because when this finally happens, and the Likud loudly reaffirms its nationalist ideology, it will kick these people out.
The brilliant American syndicated columnist Ben Shapiro wrote on January 5, in his article "The Next Prime Minister of Israel":
"Feiglin recognizes that Israel's largest problem is not intractable external enemies but internal identity. And he seeks a solution not in complacency and appeasement but in that elite-scorned idea, national pride. 'I'm calling for a complete revolution in Jewish identity,' Feiglin stated. 'We need to identify as Jews through the Torah (Bible), because you can't identify the enemy until you identify yourself. Once you know who you are, and once you know that what you are doing is justice, fighting the enemy becomes simple.'"
It is this Jewish identity that Moshe Feiglin and Manhigut Yehudit want to return to the Likud party. It is this Jewish identity that the Likud, with Feiglin as its leader, will then bring to the Jewish state.
[Part 2 of 2]