As we are all aware, our Jewish brothers and sisters in Gush Katif and northern Shomron are under siege, both from without and from within Israel itself.
From the outside, the Jews of Gaza have withstood well over 5,000 rocket and mortar attacks from the bloodthirsty terrorists who wallow in the cities and villages under Arab occupation. These terrorists enjoy the protection and active assistance of not only the Palestinian Authority and its Egyptian masters (without whose support the constant smuggling of weapons and ammunition would not exist), but also that of the Palestinian "street", the hordes of normal "civilians". They most certainly have forfeited the status of non-combatants by inviting and aiding the terrorists in launching attacks on Israelis on both sides of the security fence. The reality is the exact opposite of the common misconception of terrorists hiding behind "helpless" civilians with whom they have no apparent connection.
From without, the Israelis living in the Gaza region have also chafed under the constant barrage of demonization and ostracization from the international community (which nevertheless continues to buy their bug-free vegetables), the media and governments of which, in a futile effort to appease the advancing Islamic threat, have targeted these Jews as the source of the age-old Arab-Israeli conflict. The obscenity of this reverse syllogism cannot be ignored; we all know this conflict existed long before the last mass deportation of Jews from Gaza, which occurred in the aftermath of the Arab massacres of Jews in Gaza, Hebron and elsewhere in 1929. Throughout modern history, vain attempts to curry favour with the Arab body politic have been paid for with the currency of the lives of Jewish men, women and children. The current situation, while shocking to our wounded Jewish conscience (as it ought to be), is but the most recent point on this continuum.
From within Israel itself, the Jews in Gaza and the northern Shomron have become the sacrificial lambs of the "disengagement program", a myopic attempt to retreat from areas of Biblical and historical Eretz Yisrael that have served as crucial front-line defences for major population centres and strategic assets, ranging from the power facilities of Ashkelon and Hadera to the expanding cities surrounding Tel Aviv. The mortal dangers inherent in withdrawal, which await the Jews of the pre-1967 areas if, G-d forbid, it would ever come to pass, have been repeatedly emphasized by numerous senior military and intelligence officials, and are impossible to discount except by cognitive dissonance or worse, willful blindness.
One need look no further than Sderot. Our current prime minister, in a transparent effort to (a) prospectively change the anticipated historical perception of him as a war-mongering colonialist (a most unjustified but inevitable perception in any event), and (b) shield himself from an indictment for corruption (how could the justice system possibly interfere when he is engaged in such important uprooting?), has mendaciously turned 180 degrees against the very Israelis who most represent the Zionist enterprise of settlement and upbuilding, which the prime minister himself only recently championed. On the surface level of immediate perception, the situation may indeed appear bleak, as one by one, many of our ideological kindred spirits in government have removed themselves from the path of the destructive bulldozer, under the threat of demotion, loss of position and financial security.
But hold on. Not so fast. The problem with this scenario is that it fails to give due consideration to the intangible factors of faith, stamina and determination. Ask the Jews of Gaza and northern Shomron and they will almost unanimously tell you not only that they are not leaving, but that the expulsion program itself will inevitably fail. The vehicle for the defeat of this program will ultimately manifest itself in an combination of one or more ostensibly man-made occurrences, from the fall of the government over the budget or other financial disputes, to the mass peaceful civil disobedience of tens of thousands of supporters throughout Israel, to the sheer practical inability of Sharon's trained deportation squads to dislodge over 8,500 men, women and children from their homesteads. These apparently man-made phenomena are, and will be, of course, tangible manifestations of spiritual and metaphysical forces that are, and will remain, beyond our limited comprehension. The faith, determination, ineffable attachment and unbreakable love for these and all portions of Eretz Yisrael exhibited by the Jews of Gush Katif and the northern Shomron are also functions of these powerful forces, which will transcend current obstacles, as they simply cannot be defeated by political maneuvering and ephemeral plans.
This also relates to the crucial factor of sense of purpose. The Jews of Gush Katif and the northern Shomron know that they will ultimately prevail because they have a clear vision of what they are fighting for. Similarly, future generations will be eternally grateful to these Jews and their supporters for their unyielding, principled and inspiring struggle, which will inevitably result in a stronger, more secure Eretz Yisrael (and consequently, Am Yisrael).
This is to be contrasted with the confused objectives and generally weak motivation of those who support the disengagement program, whether out of political expediency or for ideological reasons. Many of these individuals are wracked by self-doubt, and none of them have been able to answer the most basic, oft-repeated questions, including: How would Israel prevent the Palestinians from bringing large quantities of advanced weaponry into Gaza, which would pose an intolerable threat and dangerously change the strategic equation? The acquisition by Hizbullah of over ten thousand rockets, with the capacity to hit Haifa and environs, enabled by the withdrawal of IDF forces from Lebanon, serves as a useful harbinger. How would Israel prevent the Palestinians from firing rockets from Gaza into Sderot, Ashkelon, Ashdod and, eventually, Rishon Le'Tzion and Tel Aviv? We know the range, accuracy and capability of these missiles are constantly increasing, as the Palestinians proudly broadcast to us. Does anyone truly believe that this trend will suddenly reverse itself upon the withdrawal of IDF forces from Gaza?
Does anyone really believe that the terrorist hordes will magnanimously refrain from blessing their missiles with chemical or other unconventional warheads the minute they are capable of doing so? How would Israel be able to prevent such developments, given the loss of intelligence and real-time response capabilities occasioned by the withdrawal of IDF facilities? How would Israel prevent similar, inevitable attacks from uninhibited, unrestrained terrorist organizations operating in the northern Shomron, Netanya, Hadera, Cesarea, Afula and even Kfar Saba and Raanana, to say nothing of the tens of surrounding kibbutzim, moshavim and other communities?
How would such unilateral capitulation affect the morale and motivation of our soldiers on the one hand and our enemies on the other hand, who smell Jewish blood with every concession and withdrawal? How would Israel prevent the establishment in Gaza of a Taliban-by-the-Sea terrorist base and haven for Al-Qaeda and Hizbullah.
Does anyone genuinely believe that these things would not happen? How would the loss of such strategically important territory, for absolutely nothing in return, impact Israel's future negotiating positions?
The inability to satisfactorily address these fundamental strategic and existential issues is not lost on those Israelis (including politicians) who will be called upon to support Sharon's withdrawal and expulsion plan, and will leave them divided and confused over why exactly Sharon is forcing them into this position. While the Jews of Gush Katif and northern Shomron, as well as their supporters, know why they are struggling and what their objectives are, other Israelis will lack the motivation and determination to see this process through to its bitter end. They would fail to do so not only because it is not of such central importance to their lives, but because of their suffocating doubts over the inherent, unacceptable risks and long-term damage to Israel, which it would ultimately cause.
Israelis not only ask why, but why now? Why now, when we are still in the midst of a terrorist war of aggression thrust upon us? Why now, when we remain beset by implacable enemies who have shown no signs of being reconciled to our continued existence? Why now, when the terrorist networks in Gaza continue to increase their capabilities with the active assistance of Hizbullah, Iran, Syria and Egypt? Why now, when Israel is only beginning to recover from the damage caused to its economy by the current terrorist onslaught? Why now, when above all, we desperately need unity rather than division to overcome these threats and obstacles?
Why now? Why?
[Part 1 of 2]
From the outside, the Jews of Gaza have withstood well over 5,000 rocket and mortar attacks from the bloodthirsty terrorists who wallow in the cities and villages under Arab occupation. These terrorists enjoy the protection and active assistance of not only the Palestinian Authority and its Egyptian masters (without whose support the constant smuggling of weapons and ammunition would not exist), but also that of the Palestinian "street", the hordes of normal "civilians". They most certainly have forfeited the status of non-combatants by inviting and aiding the terrorists in launching attacks on Israelis on both sides of the security fence. The reality is the exact opposite of the common misconception of terrorists hiding behind "helpless" civilians with whom they have no apparent connection.
From without, the Israelis living in the Gaza region have also chafed under the constant barrage of demonization and ostracization from the international community (which nevertheless continues to buy their bug-free vegetables), the media and governments of which, in a futile effort to appease the advancing Islamic threat, have targeted these Jews as the source of the age-old Arab-Israeli conflict. The obscenity of this reverse syllogism cannot be ignored; we all know this conflict existed long before the last mass deportation of Jews from Gaza, which occurred in the aftermath of the Arab massacres of Jews in Gaza, Hebron and elsewhere in 1929. Throughout modern history, vain attempts to curry favour with the Arab body politic have been paid for with the currency of the lives of Jewish men, women and children. The current situation, while shocking to our wounded Jewish conscience (as it ought to be), is but the most recent point on this continuum.
From within Israel itself, the Jews in Gaza and the northern Shomron have become the sacrificial lambs of the "disengagement program", a myopic attempt to retreat from areas of Biblical and historical Eretz Yisrael that have served as crucial front-line defences for major population centres and strategic assets, ranging from the power facilities of Ashkelon and Hadera to the expanding cities surrounding Tel Aviv. The mortal dangers inherent in withdrawal, which await the Jews of the pre-1967 areas if, G-d forbid, it would ever come to pass, have been repeatedly emphasized by numerous senior military and intelligence officials, and are impossible to discount except by cognitive dissonance or worse, willful blindness.
One need look no further than Sderot. Our current prime minister, in a transparent effort to (a) prospectively change the anticipated historical perception of him as a war-mongering colonialist (a most unjustified but inevitable perception in any event), and (b) shield himself from an indictment for corruption (how could the justice system possibly interfere when he is engaged in such important uprooting?), has mendaciously turned 180 degrees against the very Israelis who most represent the Zionist enterprise of settlement and upbuilding, which the prime minister himself only recently championed. On the surface level of immediate perception, the situation may indeed appear bleak, as one by one, many of our ideological kindred spirits in government have removed themselves from the path of the destructive bulldozer, under the threat of demotion, loss of position and financial security.
But hold on. Not so fast. The problem with this scenario is that it fails to give due consideration to the intangible factors of faith, stamina and determination. Ask the Jews of Gaza and northern Shomron and they will almost unanimously tell you not only that they are not leaving, but that the expulsion program itself will inevitably fail. The vehicle for the defeat of this program will ultimately manifest itself in an combination of one or more ostensibly man-made occurrences, from the fall of the government over the budget or other financial disputes, to the mass peaceful civil disobedience of tens of thousands of supporters throughout Israel, to the sheer practical inability of Sharon's trained deportation squads to dislodge over 8,500 men, women and children from their homesteads. These apparently man-made phenomena are, and will be, of course, tangible manifestations of spiritual and metaphysical forces that are, and will remain, beyond our limited comprehension. The faith, determination, ineffable attachment and unbreakable love for these and all portions of Eretz Yisrael exhibited by the Jews of Gush Katif and the northern Shomron are also functions of these powerful forces, which will transcend current obstacles, as they simply cannot be defeated by political maneuvering and ephemeral plans.
This also relates to the crucial factor of sense of purpose. The Jews of Gush Katif and the northern Shomron know that they will ultimately prevail because they have a clear vision of what they are fighting for. Similarly, future generations will be eternally grateful to these Jews and their supporters for their unyielding, principled and inspiring struggle, which will inevitably result in a stronger, more secure Eretz Yisrael (and consequently, Am Yisrael).
This is to be contrasted with the confused objectives and generally weak motivation of those who support the disengagement program, whether out of political expediency or for ideological reasons. Many of these individuals are wracked by self-doubt, and none of them have been able to answer the most basic, oft-repeated questions, including: How would Israel prevent the Palestinians from bringing large quantities of advanced weaponry into Gaza, which would pose an intolerable threat and dangerously change the strategic equation? The acquisition by Hizbullah of over ten thousand rockets, with the capacity to hit Haifa and environs, enabled by the withdrawal of IDF forces from Lebanon, serves as a useful harbinger. How would Israel prevent the Palestinians from firing rockets from Gaza into Sderot, Ashkelon, Ashdod and, eventually, Rishon Le'Tzion and Tel Aviv? We know the range, accuracy and capability of these missiles are constantly increasing, as the Palestinians proudly broadcast to us. Does anyone truly believe that this trend will suddenly reverse itself upon the withdrawal of IDF forces from Gaza?
Does anyone really believe that the terrorist hordes will magnanimously refrain from blessing their missiles with chemical or other unconventional warheads the minute they are capable of doing so? How would Israel be able to prevent such developments, given the loss of intelligence and real-time response capabilities occasioned by the withdrawal of IDF facilities? How would Israel prevent similar, inevitable attacks from uninhibited, unrestrained terrorist organizations operating in the northern Shomron, Netanya, Hadera, Cesarea, Afula and even Kfar Saba and Raanana, to say nothing of the tens of surrounding kibbutzim, moshavim and other communities?
How would such unilateral capitulation affect the morale and motivation of our soldiers on the one hand and our enemies on the other hand, who smell Jewish blood with every concession and withdrawal? How would Israel prevent the establishment in Gaza of a Taliban-by-the-Sea terrorist base and haven for Al-Qaeda and Hizbullah.
Does anyone genuinely believe that these things would not happen? How would the loss of such strategically important territory, for absolutely nothing in return, impact Israel's future negotiating positions?
The inability to satisfactorily address these fundamental strategic and existential issues is not lost on those Israelis (including politicians) who will be called upon to support Sharon's withdrawal and expulsion plan, and will leave them divided and confused over why exactly Sharon is forcing them into this position. While the Jews of Gush Katif and northern Shomron, as well as their supporters, know why they are struggling and what their objectives are, other Israelis will lack the motivation and determination to see this process through to its bitter end. They would fail to do so not only because it is not of such central importance to their lives, but because of their suffocating doubts over the inherent, unacceptable risks and long-term damage to Israel, which it would ultimately cause.
Israelis not only ask why, but why now? Why now, when we are still in the midst of a terrorist war of aggression thrust upon us? Why now, when we remain beset by implacable enemies who have shown no signs of being reconciled to our continued existence? Why now, when the terrorist networks in Gaza continue to increase their capabilities with the active assistance of Hizbullah, Iran, Syria and Egypt? Why now, when Israel is only beginning to recover from the damage caused to its economy by the current terrorist onslaught? Why now, when above all, we desperately need unity rather than division to overcome these threats and obstacles?
Why now? Why?
[Part 1 of 2]