Eventual annexation of the Rafiach district with its 7,000 Jews and 150,000 Arabs would be a far cry from the doomsday predictions of 8,500 Jews faced off against 1.2 million Arabs.
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's proposal to withdraw under fire from all of Gaza flies in the face of America's and Israel's common interest to defeat terrorism and spread democracy -- whether in Gaza or in Faluja. Israel is crying for a political and defense strategy to deal with Gaza for the day after such a defeat.
In lieu of such a strategy, many call despairingly for "Separation Now" as a substitute for "Peace Now". Such a substitute would be seen, in most Arab eyes at least, as retreat under fire and a coming apocalypse for the Jews. Israel's message, as received, would be that the only thing wrong with terrorism is that there has to be more of it, not less.
While no Jewish settlement in Gaza should be abandoned to terror, there can be a framework built now for that day when final settlement talks begin. At that time, Israel can propose measures that would provide (1) territorial contiguity for 90% of Gaza's Palestinian Arabs, (2) a bearable demographic balance for Gaza's Palestinian Jews and (3) minimal bi-lateral transfer for both populations.
This could be done by annexation of the northern Gaza settlements directly contiguous to Israel, as well as Gush Katif and the southern Rafiach hinterland through Morag, along the current truck road to Hevel Shalom. Israel's international border with Egypt along the current Philadelphi Corridor would thus become truly inviolable in the best long-term security interests of both countries.
Planning now for the eventual incorporation into Israel of the Rafiach district, with its 7,000 Jews and 150,000 Arabs, would be a far cry from Minister Ehud Olmert's scare tactics and doomsday predictions of 8,500 Jews faced off against 1.2 million Arabs. As extrapolated from the 1997 Palestinian Census, the strategically-located Rafiach district is, fortunately, the least populated district in the Strip.
Such a "Rafiach Plan" would show that there are permanent costs to Palestinian Arab terror. It would also confirm President Bush's statement that major Jewish settlement blocs should be taken into consideration in any final agreement; what is good for Ariel and Ma'aleh Adumim is equally good for Gush Katif.
At the same time, it would allow the rest of the Gaza Strip, with its 1.1 million people, to have full territorial contiguity and autonomy without any chokepoints. All access into Gush Katif would be from the Western Negev through the southern Rafiach hinterland, thus providing for the full "separation" so desired by the majority of Israelis.
A permanent agreement with a democratic Palestinian Arab entity could easily provide it with a secure corridor to Egypt from the rest of Gaza, just as one could be agreed upon for traffic to the West Bank of the Jordan River and beyond. For the longer term, Israel would thus still promote structures for living together in this one Land, since we hold it in common bond with the Arabs of Palestine/Eretz Yisrael.
The 150,000 Arabs of Rafiach could be progressively given the fruits of democracy via Israeli citizenship and national civic service -- for them, as for all Israeli Arabs. Increasing segments of the Rafiach population would be a test model for the eventual creation of a "Democratic Palestine". Such a project would bolster the determination of Palestinian Arabs in the rest of the Land to "choose life, not death."
Israel can still create a shelf-plan with which she can live, rather than die -- one based on clear political, security and demographic thinking, not fears; a plan for implementation only after terrorism has been defeated and democracy reigns "throughout the Land and for all the inhabitants thereof."
[The foregoing article first appeared as a Letter to the Editor in the Jerusalem Post of June 8, 2004.]
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's proposal to withdraw under fire from all of Gaza flies in the face of America's and Israel's common interest to defeat terrorism and spread democracy -- whether in Gaza or in Faluja. Israel is crying for a political and defense strategy to deal with Gaza for the day after such a defeat.
In lieu of such a strategy, many call despairingly for "Separation Now" as a substitute for "Peace Now". Such a substitute would be seen, in most Arab eyes at least, as retreat under fire and a coming apocalypse for the Jews. Israel's message, as received, would be that the only thing wrong with terrorism is that there has to be more of it, not less.
While no Jewish settlement in Gaza should be abandoned to terror, there can be a framework built now for that day when final settlement talks begin. At that time, Israel can propose measures that would provide (1) territorial contiguity for 90% of Gaza's Palestinian Arabs, (2) a bearable demographic balance for Gaza's Palestinian Jews and (3) minimal bi-lateral transfer for both populations.
This could be done by annexation of the northern Gaza settlements directly contiguous to Israel, as well as Gush Katif and the southern Rafiach hinterland through Morag, along the current truck road to Hevel Shalom. Israel's international border with Egypt along the current Philadelphi Corridor would thus become truly inviolable in the best long-term security interests of both countries.
Planning now for the eventual incorporation into Israel of the Rafiach district, with its 7,000 Jews and 150,000 Arabs, would be a far cry from Minister Ehud Olmert's scare tactics and doomsday predictions of 8,500 Jews faced off against 1.2 million Arabs. As extrapolated from the 1997 Palestinian Census, the strategically-located Rafiach district is, fortunately, the least populated district in the Strip.
Such a "Rafiach Plan" would show that there are permanent costs to Palestinian Arab terror. It would also confirm President Bush's statement that major Jewish settlement blocs should be taken into consideration in any final agreement; what is good for Ariel and Ma'aleh Adumim is equally good for Gush Katif.
At the same time, it would allow the rest of the Gaza Strip, with its 1.1 million people, to have full territorial contiguity and autonomy without any chokepoints. All access into Gush Katif would be from the Western Negev through the southern Rafiach hinterland, thus providing for the full "separation" so desired by the majority of Israelis.
A permanent agreement with a democratic Palestinian Arab entity could easily provide it with a secure corridor to Egypt from the rest of Gaza, just as one could be agreed upon for traffic to the West Bank of the Jordan River and beyond. For the longer term, Israel would thus still promote structures for living together in this one Land, since we hold it in common bond with the Arabs of Palestine/Eretz Yisrael.
The 150,000 Arabs of Rafiach could be progressively given the fruits of democracy via Israeli citizenship and national civic service -- for them, as for all Israeli Arabs. Increasing segments of the Rafiach population would be a test model for the eventual creation of a "Democratic Palestine". Such a project would bolster the determination of Palestinian Arabs in the rest of the Land to "choose life, not death."
Israel can still create a shelf-plan with which she can live, rather than die -- one based on clear political, security and demographic thinking, not fears; a plan for implementation only after terrorism has been defeated and democracy reigns "throughout the Land and for all the inhabitants thereof."
[The foregoing article first appeared as a Letter to the Editor in the Jerusalem Post of June 8, 2004.]