[The first part of this essay can be read at http://www.israelnationalnews.com/article.php3?id=2920.]
The unhealthy relations between Israelis and the Arabs in Gaza and the West Bank are tearing Israel apart, exacerbating tensions with the Arab world, and estranging Israel from its natural position as a member of the democratic, developed world.
Since the 1967 Six Day War, all the policies developed by the Israeli government and by independent groups of concerned Israeli citizens have contained major flaws. None of them reach the standards that must be incorporated in a lasting, stable peace. These policies, which were critiqued in part one of this article, are:
1. An Independent Palestine;
2. Israeli occupation of all of Gaza and the West Bank;
3. Expulsion of the Palestinians;
4. Completion of the Security Wall;
5. Return of Egyptian and Jordanian sovereignty over Gaza and the West Bank; and
6. Federation or Confederation.
The only workable option that is left involves removal of the terrorist threat, and integration of the non-terrorist elements of the Palestinian population into the political and economic structure of Israel.
Such a relationship, regulated within a framework of impartial law, has worked relatively well for Jews and Arabs living west of the 1967 border. In spite of bloody conflicts with the Arab world, Jews have been remarkably willing to give the benefits of citizenship to their 1,500,000-person Arab minority. Particularly in Haifa, Jews and Arabs co-exist in a friendly political framework. Nowhere else in the Middle East is there a comparable example of such civilized behavior.
Only integration incorporates the cardinal principles that must be included in any policy that has the remotest chance of success. These are: (1) Defensible borders; (2) Elimination of hate-filled material in print and electronic media; (3) Political and economic structures to bring Palestinians into the 21st Century, by means of providing economic opportunities and a sense of pride and identity; (4) A stable demographic ratio of Jews to non-Jews; (5) Elimination of all military threats within Israel's current boundaries; (6) Over-all goals that incorporate democratic ideals and downplay ethnic and religious differences, resulting in national parameters that parallel the structure of the United States, nations in the European Union and other advanced states on the planet.
A policy designed to integrate the non-terrorist Palestinian population into the State of Israel also has the immense advantage of giving Israel the initiative, without need for endless negotiations with hostile political entities, such as the Arab states, the PA, the UN, Russia and the EU.
provisions of an Integration Policy
1. Democratization. A simple truth should be etched into the brain of every leader who is seriously concerned with Israeli/Palestinian relations: Without creation of a democratic infrastructure comprising the Palestinian population group, a stable, productive relationship with Israel is impossible. At present, only Israel offers an infrastructure that can be utilized to introduce Palestinians into such a framework. Democratic governance is impossible without integration. Federalism or independence would be constructed on infertile ground, making Palestinian democracy unlikely.
2. Desalinization plants. The cost of desalinization has fallen precipitously. New facilities immediately could be constructed with sufficient capacity to take care of Palestinian and Israeli water requirements. Subsidies probably would be necessary, but the cost would be a fraction of the expenditures required to finance continuing hostilities, or to enforce long-term occupation. Without integration, this will not happen.
3. Agriculture. Israeli irrigation science is the most advanced in the world. It could be made available to Palestinians farmers, and would measurably increase the productivity of their land. Without integration, this will not happen.
4. Tourism. The West Bank and Gaza contain an array of interesting tourist attractions. Once the threats from the Intifada cease, the sites would become as attractive to tourists as the pyramids of Egypt. Without integration, this asset cannot be fully exploited.
5. Joint ventures. Many opportunities exist for business ventures launched jointly by Palestinians, Jews and foreign investors. Palestinians have furnished management and engineering skills for the Gulf states, and probably are the most talented of all the Arabs in the Middle East. They could work as equals in new ? and existing ? enterprises. There have been ? and probably still are ? successful Arab-Israeli joint ventures in pre-1967 Israel. Without integration, joint ventures with Israelis probably will not take place in Gaza and the West Bank, where they are badly needed.
6. High tech enterprises. Israel is a world leader in various high tech fields. New education and employment opportunities would bring Palestinians into this arena, creating new economic opportunities. Without integration, and assuming that governance of a New Palestine would resemble other non-productive dictatorships in the Middle East, the employment benefits in high tech industries would be lost.
7. Markets. Israel has access to most world markets, and Palestinian/Arab participation would expand these opportunities. Without integration, and with the continuation of tensions, both groups would lose the synergy that would come from profitable cooperation.
8. Refugee camps. At present, about one-third of the people in Gaza and the West Bank live in refugee camps. These camps would be rapidly dismantled as the residents receive gainful employment in a thriving economy. The Palestinian unemployment rate would drop from about 65 percent ? where it is now ? to an acceptable level. Jobs west of the "Green Line" would be accessible, and wages would rise as Arab labor becomes scarcer in a free market economy. Use of expatriate labor within Israel would diminish as dependable Arab employees become available and terrorism is eliminated. Without integration, the refugee camps will not be dismantled, and will continue to foster anti-Semitism and frustration among the unhappy residents.
9. Immigration. With integration, the immigration of Palestinian refugees could be controlled to keep the ratio of Jews to Arabs at its present level (about five to three). Palestinians outside Israel would be admitted only when the expected influx of Jews permits the ratio to remain the same. Jewish immigration, at present, has been reduced to a trickle because of personal dangers and the desperate political situation.
An independent Palestine ? or an occupied Gaza and West Bank ? would result in Arabs soon outnumbering Jews in the area west of the Jordan river. Pressures from a destitute population seething with hatred and desperation would exacerbate present tensions.
A thriving economy will absorb a larger population, and supply incentives for more Jewish immigration, which will benefit both groups. There is room west of the Jordan for such immigration. (The density of the Netherlands is 1,000 persons per square mile, and Japan has a density of 870. The population density of Israel now is about 780 persons per square mile). Without integration, the population problem cannot be solved.
10. Urban and village governance. Palestinians would elect their town and village councils, and would be able to take advantage of the advice and experience of Israel's Union of Local Authorities, which now assists Israel's population centers to solve their problems. Without integration, this will not happen.
11. Languages. Within one year, all federal government employees in Israel would be required to speak both Hebrew and Arabic. Both languages would be taught in the schools. Without integration, this important ingredient in a workable relationship between two disparate ethnic groups would be inconceivable.
12. Hate literature in schools and the media. All hateful material in the print and electronic media, and in the schools, would be banned. Without integration, virulent anti-Semitism will continue in the Palestinian areas, tensions will increase, and stable peace will be impossible.
13. Police. After the terrorist infrastructure and its financial base has been removed by the Israeli Defense Forces, Palestinian acceptance of integration would be dependent on economic opportunities, a sense of dignity and freedom within the new political structure, and growing respect for even-handed justice. For Jews, the real test would be the willingness to give Arabs opportunities, stability and pride. Once the door leading to the prospect of destroying Israel has been slammed shut, integration of the police would parallel the integration of all Arabs into the general population. Without integration, joint policing and administration of justice cannot be achieved.
14. Foreign Affairs, Internal Security and Defense. Until the Middle East countries sign peace treaties with Israel, Arab Knesset representatives, including the newly integrated Palestinians, would be unable to vote on these subjects, or to vote for prime minister in national elections. Integration supplies a huge net gain for Palestinians, but their new responsibilities should not extend so far as to arouse Jewish distrust, or furnish the means for sabotage.
15. The Israeli Defense Forces. Reaction of Middle East and other Muslim countries probably would border on the hysterical. Initial disapproval by the U.S. and other Western countries also could be expected. The IDF would have to be brought to a high state of alert during the attack on terrorists, and remain alert during the initial period of the integration.
For the first time, however, the Israeli military would be supporting a positive, generous solution to the problem of Palestinian terrorism and hatred. Given a renewal of the uncompromising will and dedication that characterized Zionism, the transition would give Israel hope not only for its own future, but for the future of democracies everywhere in the world. With integration, the morale of the IDF and the State of Israel would improve, and give rise to a new sense of mission.
16. The Golan Heights. The Golan Heights is a lightly inhabited, strategic, tiny area that has little value except to protect Israel against incursions from an irresponsible, barbaric neighbor ? Syria. The Druse population would be more overtly pro-Israeli if the ever-present Syrian threat were removed. "Peace" in return for giving up the Golan Heights to Syria is madness.
17. Border with Lebanon. The Arab reaction to Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon sharply illustrates the fallacy of giving land for peace. Retreat, to the Arabs, is a sign of weakness. Even the UN's recognition of the border has not modified the Syrian-led escalation of tensions. The border with Lebanon is a possible site for a security wall if Syria fails to accept an integrated Israeli state.
Conclusions
The success of an integration policy would depend on its speed of execution, and the rapid improvement in the lives of the Palestinians. Following removal of the terrorists and implementation of the integration initiative, the new situation on the ground, if handled properly, could attract an influx of foreign capital to enable Palestinians to improve agriculture, offer major tourist attractions, and develop high-tech industries in cooperation with Israeli firms. The benefits of a free market, a stable currency, and democratic institutions could produce benefits similar to those enjoyed by West Germany after WWII, when 15,000,000 ethnically different Volksdeutsch were driven into a land devastated by war and defeat.
Palestinians, after all, have been the most energetic and industrious of all the Arab peoples. If released from the oppression of the band of thugs who have dominated affairs in Gaza and the West Bank, they could grasp a future previously denied to them.
For Western powers, the new policy would meet most requirements. Israel, from being a rather sectarian power, would become more secular, but still able to guarantee religious and other freedoms. Removal of ethnic differences would parallel the developments that have taken place in Western Europe, where common political and economic institutions over-ride the religious, national and ethnic hatreds that have caused endless suffering over hundreds of years.
One of the reasons for democratic change in Iraq is to show the Arab world the virtues of democracy. In Israel, the transformation could take place in a relatively short time, strengthening the forces that oppose al-Qaeda and terrorism. The Arab dictatorships would be left with the sterile, worthless foundations that underlie their oppressive regimes, bringing into even sharper focus the barren wasteland of the Muslim world.
The problem of dealing with the large Palestinian minority won't go away. If a solution is devised that conforms to Western concepts of a civilized state, and if the West concludes that opposing Israel means surrendering to Arab terrorism, the U.S. and the rest of the democracies could not resist accepting ? and supporting ? a policy of Israeli-Palestinian integration.
From a detached perspective, it is incomprehensible that residents of Gaza and the West Bank cannot see the benefits of integration. People from the "Third World" clamor for entry into the United States and Europe simply to gain the opportunity to live in prosperous, free societies. The Palestinians endure poverty while envying ? and hating ? a country that could give them nearly everything they lack. Yet, irrational hatreds and fellow Arabs' propaganda prevent them from seeing a solution.
In a way, Israeli Jews suffer from the same lack of pragmatic understanding. But their generosity and vision, in the present chaos, would be the better part of valor.
[Part 2 of 2]
The unhealthy relations between Israelis and the Arabs in Gaza and the West Bank are tearing Israel apart, exacerbating tensions with the Arab world, and estranging Israel from its natural position as a member of the democratic, developed world.
Since the 1967 Six Day War, all the policies developed by the Israeli government and by independent groups of concerned Israeli citizens have contained major flaws. None of them reach the standards that must be incorporated in a lasting, stable peace. These policies, which were critiqued in part one of this article, are:
1. An Independent Palestine;
2. Israeli occupation of all of Gaza and the West Bank;
3. Expulsion of the Palestinians;
4. Completion of the Security Wall;
5. Return of Egyptian and Jordanian sovereignty over Gaza and the West Bank; and
6. Federation or Confederation.
The only workable option that is left involves removal of the terrorist threat, and integration of the non-terrorist elements of the Palestinian population into the political and economic structure of Israel.
Such a relationship, regulated within a framework of impartial law, has worked relatively well for Jews and Arabs living west of the 1967 border. In spite of bloody conflicts with the Arab world, Jews have been remarkably willing to give the benefits of citizenship to their 1,500,000-person Arab minority. Particularly in Haifa, Jews and Arabs co-exist in a friendly political framework. Nowhere else in the Middle East is there a comparable example of such civilized behavior.
Only integration incorporates the cardinal principles that must be included in any policy that has the remotest chance of success. These are: (1) Defensible borders; (2) Elimination of hate-filled material in print and electronic media; (3) Political and economic structures to bring Palestinians into the 21st Century, by means of providing economic opportunities and a sense of pride and identity; (4) A stable demographic ratio of Jews to non-Jews; (5) Elimination of all military threats within Israel's current boundaries; (6) Over-all goals that incorporate democratic ideals and downplay ethnic and religious differences, resulting in national parameters that parallel the structure of the United States, nations in the European Union and other advanced states on the planet.
A policy designed to integrate the non-terrorist Palestinian population into the State of Israel also has the immense advantage of giving Israel the initiative, without need for endless negotiations with hostile political entities, such as the Arab states, the PA, the UN, Russia and the EU.
provisions of an Integration Policy
1. Democratization. A simple truth should be etched into the brain of every leader who is seriously concerned with Israeli/Palestinian relations: Without creation of a democratic infrastructure comprising the Palestinian population group, a stable, productive relationship with Israel is impossible. At present, only Israel offers an infrastructure that can be utilized to introduce Palestinians into such a framework. Democratic governance is impossible without integration. Federalism or independence would be constructed on infertile ground, making Palestinian democracy unlikely.
2. Desalinization plants. The cost of desalinization has fallen precipitously. New facilities immediately could be constructed with sufficient capacity to take care of Palestinian and Israeli water requirements. Subsidies probably would be necessary, but the cost would be a fraction of the expenditures required to finance continuing hostilities, or to enforce long-term occupation. Without integration, this will not happen.
3. Agriculture. Israeli irrigation science is the most advanced in the world. It could be made available to Palestinians farmers, and would measurably increase the productivity of their land. Without integration, this will not happen.
4. Tourism. The West Bank and Gaza contain an array of interesting tourist attractions. Once the threats from the Intifada cease, the sites would become as attractive to tourists as the pyramids of Egypt. Without integration, this asset cannot be fully exploited.
5. Joint ventures. Many opportunities exist for business ventures launched jointly by Palestinians, Jews and foreign investors. Palestinians have furnished management and engineering skills for the Gulf states, and probably are the most talented of all the Arabs in the Middle East. They could work as equals in new ? and existing ? enterprises. There have been ? and probably still are ? successful Arab-Israeli joint ventures in pre-1967 Israel. Without integration, joint ventures with Israelis probably will not take place in Gaza and the West Bank, where they are badly needed.
6. High tech enterprises. Israel is a world leader in various high tech fields. New education and employment opportunities would bring Palestinians into this arena, creating new economic opportunities. Without integration, and assuming that governance of a New Palestine would resemble other non-productive dictatorships in the Middle East, the employment benefits in high tech industries would be lost.
7. Markets. Israel has access to most world markets, and Palestinian/Arab participation would expand these opportunities. Without integration, and with the continuation of tensions, both groups would lose the synergy that would come from profitable cooperation.
8. Refugee camps. At present, about one-third of the people in Gaza and the West Bank live in refugee camps. These camps would be rapidly dismantled as the residents receive gainful employment in a thriving economy. The Palestinian unemployment rate would drop from about 65 percent ? where it is now ? to an acceptable level. Jobs west of the "Green Line" would be accessible, and wages would rise as Arab labor becomes scarcer in a free market economy. Use of expatriate labor within Israel would diminish as dependable Arab employees become available and terrorism is eliminated. Without integration, the refugee camps will not be dismantled, and will continue to foster anti-Semitism and frustration among the unhappy residents.
9. Immigration. With integration, the immigration of Palestinian refugees could be controlled to keep the ratio of Jews to Arabs at its present level (about five to three). Palestinians outside Israel would be admitted only when the expected influx of Jews permits the ratio to remain the same. Jewish immigration, at present, has been reduced to a trickle because of personal dangers and the desperate political situation.
An independent Palestine ? or an occupied Gaza and West Bank ? would result in Arabs soon outnumbering Jews in the area west of the Jordan river. Pressures from a destitute population seething with hatred and desperation would exacerbate present tensions.
A thriving economy will absorb a larger population, and supply incentives for more Jewish immigration, which will benefit both groups. There is room west of the Jordan for such immigration. (The density of the Netherlands is 1,000 persons per square mile, and Japan has a density of 870. The population density of Israel now is about 780 persons per square mile). Without integration, the population problem cannot be solved.
10. Urban and village governance. Palestinians would elect their town and village councils, and would be able to take advantage of the advice and experience of Israel's Union of Local Authorities, which now assists Israel's population centers to solve their problems. Without integration, this will not happen.
11. Languages. Within one year, all federal government employees in Israel would be required to speak both Hebrew and Arabic. Both languages would be taught in the schools. Without integration, this important ingredient in a workable relationship between two disparate ethnic groups would be inconceivable.
12. Hate literature in schools and the media. All hateful material in the print and electronic media, and in the schools, would be banned. Without integration, virulent anti-Semitism will continue in the Palestinian areas, tensions will increase, and stable peace will be impossible.
13. Police. After the terrorist infrastructure and its financial base has been removed by the Israeli Defense Forces, Palestinian acceptance of integration would be dependent on economic opportunities, a sense of dignity and freedom within the new political structure, and growing respect for even-handed justice. For Jews, the real test would be the willingness to give Arabs opportunities, stability and pride. Once the door leading to the prospect of destroying Israel has been slammed shut, integration of the police would parallel the integration of all Arabs into the general population. Without integration, joint policing and administration of justice cannot be achieved.
14. Foreign Affairs, Internal Security and Defense. Until the Middle East countries sign peace treaties with Israel, Arab Knesset representatives, including the newly integrated Palestinians, would be unable to vote on these subjects, or to vote for prime minister in national elections. Integration supplies a huge net gain for Palestinians, but their new responsibilities should not extend so far as to arouse Jewish distrust, or furnish the means for sabotage.
15. The Israeli Defense Forces. Reaction of Middle East and other Muslim countries probably would border on the hysterical. Initial disapproval by the U.S. and other Western countries also could be expected. The IDF would have to be brought to a high state of alert during the attack on terrorists, and remain alert during the initial period of the integration.
For the first time, however, the Israeli military would be supporting a positive, generous solution to the problem of Palestinian terrorism and hatred. Given a renewal of the uncompromising will and dedication that characterized Zionism, the transition would give Israel hope not only for its own future, but for the future of democracies everywhere in the world. With integration, the morale of the IDF and the State of Israel would improve, and give rise to a new sense of mission.
16. The Golan Heights. The Golan Heights is a lightly inhabited, strategic, tiny area that has little value except to protect Israel against incursions from an irresponsible, barbaric neighbor ? Syria. The Druse population would be more overtly pro-Israeli if the ever-present Syrian threat were removed. "Peace" in return for giving up the Golan Heights to Syria is madness.
17. Border with Lebanon. The Arab reaction to Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon sharply illustrates the fallacy of giving land for peace. Retreat, to the Arabs, is a sign of weakness. Even the UN's recognition of the border has not modified the Syrian-led escalation of tensions. The border with Lebanon is a possible site for a security wall if Syria fails to accept an integrated Israeli state.
Conclusions
The success of an integration policy would depend on its speed of execution, and the rapid improvement in the lives of the Palestinians. Following removal of the terrorists and implementation of the integration initiative, the new situation on the ground, if handled properly, could attract an influx of foreign capital to enable Palestinians to improve agriculture, offer major tourist attractions, and develop high-tech industries in cooperation with Israeli firms. The benefits of a free market, a stable currency, and democratic institutions could produce benefits similar to those enjoyed by West Germany after WWII, when 15,000,000 ethnically different Volksdeutsch were driven into a land devastated by war and defeat.
Palestinians, after all, have been the most energetic and industrious of all the Arab peoples. If released from the oppression of the band of thugs who have dominated affairs in Gaza and the West Bank, they could grasp a future previously denied to them.
For Western powers, the new policy would meet most requirements. Israel, from being a rather sectarian power, would become more secular, but still able to guarantee religious and other freedoms. Removal of ethnic differences would parallel the developments that have taken place in Western Europe, where common political and economic institutions over-ride the religious, national and ethnic hatreds that have caused endless suffering over hundreds of years.
One of the reasons for democratic change in Iraq is to show the Arab world the virtues of democracy. In Israel, the transformation could take place in a relatively short time, strengthening the forces that oppose al-Qaeda and terrorism. The Arab dictatorships would be left with the sterile, worthless foundations that underlie their oppressive regimes, bringing into even sharper focus the barren wasteland of the Muslim world.
The problem of dealing with the large Palestinian minority won't go away. If a solution is devised that conforms to Western concepts of a civilized state, and if the West concludes that opposing Israel means surrendering to Arab terrorism, the U.S. and the rest of the democracies could not resist accepting ? and supporting ? a policy of Israeli-Palestinian integration.
From a detached perspective, it is incomprehensible that residents of Gaza and the West Bank cannot see the benefits of integration. People from the "Third World" clamor for entry into the United States and Europe simply to gain the opportunity to live in prosperous, free societies. The Palestinians endure poverty while envying ? and hating ? a country that could give them nearly everything they lack. Yet, irrational hatreds and fellow Arabs' propaganda prevent them from seeing a solution.
In a way, Israeli Jews suffer from the same lack of pragmatic understanding. But their generosity and vision, in the present chaos, would be the better part of valor.
[Part 2 of 2]