There's a well known story from the 1980s that former member of Knesset, the late Rabbi Meir Kahane used to relish telling. In 1985, the then-Likud-led Shamir government carried out a prisoner exchange with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, releasing 1,150 Arabs incarcerated for terrorist activities against Israelis in exchange for three Israeli soldiers. All the "Palestinian revolutionaries" had signed agreements before their release to forswear any future violent activities. Three days after release, one of these "repentant activists" was brought into an Israeli hospital's emergency room; he had blown himself up - what is commonly called a "work accident" these days - preparing a bomb for his next "revolutionary act" of murdering innocent Israeli shoppers.
MK Rabbi Kahane had received a phone call from one of the doctors involved and tried to publicize the incident in the Israeli media. He spoke to several journalists. He gave them details of the incident and waited to read about it in the newspapers, and hear it on the radio and television in the next day or two. When nothing appeared, he again contacted the journalists and was told that the story won't appear, because the media outlets weren't given permission by the military censor for the release of the information. Rabbi Kahane, flabbergasted, tried several more journalists, waited, and the same story repeated itself. He then contacted the censor's office itself, where he was told that they wouldn't let the story out, because the government didn't want the public to know that the terrorists that were just released were returning to "work". Rather than warn the public to be on heightened alert for possible terror attacks, which meant having to admit to a failed policy, the Israeli government chose a media blackout.
The Israeli government, MK Rabbi Kahane was told, didn't want to create fear amongst the public. They decided it would be better to keep the public in the dark about the incident, and others like it, to shield them from worrying about the probable next wave of terrorist attacks about to strike. Later, after the first intifada "broke out" in December 1987, many of the leadership, the planners and agitators were traced back to that prisoner release. Rabbi Kahane used to tell this story in the mid- and late 1980s at almost every opportunity, to point out the perfidy of the Israeli government and the danger of prisoner releases. Elements of this story leaked out over the years and it was later publicly confirmed.
Zoom ahead to December 17, 1992. The late Yitzhak Rabin is now Prime Minister; he "exiles" 400 Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists to Marj az-Zuhour in Southern Lebanon. The international media portray the daily struggles of the exiled men, trying to drum up sympathy for their plight, combating the grueling cold, stranded with insufficient food or medical supplies, etc. In fact, the Hamas and Islamic Jihad members get hold of cellular phones and make contact with Hizbollah operatives. For almost a year, they get continuous Jihadist indoctrination, bomb-making lessons and practice in guerrilla warfare techniques - don't forget the unreported vacations to Beirut - thanks to Hizbollah. Abdel Aziz Rantisi - political head of Hamas - gained international prominence at that time, as the group's spokesman.
In an interview on Israel Television the night of the expulsions, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin explained his decision to temporarily deport the Hamas and Islamic Jihad activists, saying, "I was motivated, on the one hand, by the reality of the situation. The reality in recent months has been a worsening of murderous terrorist activities by fundamentalist Islamic organizations such as Hamas, such as the Islamic Jihad... At the same time, I considered the political and legal ramifications." Rabin said that in his view, the action is not a deportation, even if it is described as such by legal terminology: "This is the temporary removal of inciters and abettors to inciters of repugnant acts of murder. Some of them for two years, some temporarily removed for one year."
He also said that a great deal of thought was given to what means were necessary to fight terrorism. "...Let's not forget," said Rabin, "what alternatives did we have? Capital punishment, destruction of houses?" Rabin demurred, "We have not hurt anybody, we have not injured, we have not killed, we have not damaged property. I view this as both the most effective means, and also the means which still physically affects these people in the most minimal sense."
Interestingly, an Israeli poll, carried out right after the deportation, showed that 91% supported the government's decision to deport the Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists. Those surveyed were also asked how they think this act will influence terrorism. Fifty-five percent answered that it will reduce terrorism, while only 26% thought it would intensify terrorism and 18% said it would have no influence. It seems the Israeli public, long educated to prisoner releases and "the most minimal" measures against terrorists, as Rabin called them, had come to the "hope" that terrorist atrocities will go away by themselves, if only we weren't "too tough" on them.
The United Nations Security Council "strongly condemned" Israel for these temporary expulsions and threatened sanctions. Under mounting international criticism and wishing to avoid such sanctions, the Rabin government offered to take back over 100 of these people and to cut the exile of the remainder in half. By September 1993, half of the deportees had returned and the remainder - with the exception of 18 who decided to remain in Lebanon to avoid arrest - returned in December 1993. The "400" eventually returned home to Gaza and the West Bank, stronger than ever, as heroes. Hamas and Islamic Jihad terror has grown exponentially since the mid 1990s. The waves of terrorist bombings from the mid 1990's on, as is well known, involved many who were "helped" by the "400".
Fast forward to late July 2003. The Israeli cabinet decided in a 14-9 vote, prior to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's trip to Washington, to release 540 Palestinian prisoners, including over 400 Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Fatah terrorists. These include relatively senior officials in Hamas' civilian leadership in the West Bank, as well as activists who served as liaisons with Hamas' leadership overseas, people involved in arranging the transfer of funds to Hamas institutions in the territories, or people who arranged military training for Hamas members. All this is being done as a "confidence-building measure" to convince the Palestinians and Americans that Israel wants to move forward on the Road Map. Yet, Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas has consistently said that it is not enough. Meeting recently in Egypt with Arab League Secretary Amr Moussa, Abbas stated that Israel "must release 6,000 prisoners in order to push the Road Map forward."
Yet, American President George W. Bush, after meeting with Palestinian PM Abbas at the White House, said, "We ought to look at the prisoner issue on a case-by-case basis... Surely nobody wants to let a cold-blooded killer out of prison, that would derail the process... I would never ask anybody in any society to let a prisoner out who would then commit terrorist actions." Later, after meeting with Bush in Washington, Sharon said he and Bush had agreed there would be no release of Palestinian prisoners "with blood on their hands", those who are likely to return to terrorism, or prisoners who, when released in the past, resumed terror activities. But how can we be guaranteed that isn't exactly what will happen, since it keeps happening?
Seeing the weakening Israeli resolve to be "tough on terror", Hizbollah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah announced recently that he is willing to give Israel one last chance for a prisoner exchange. Nasrallah called upon Germany to send an emissary for a final attempt at reaching a mutually agreeable deal for a prisoner exchange with Israel. Nasrallah threatened that if a deal were not reached with Israel, he would resume Hizbollah's efforts to abduct additional Israelis. Hizbollah, who taught Hamas and Islamic Jihad terror techniques and set the example of how to drive the mighty Israeli army out of a field of operations, is now learning from Palestinian PM Abbas. That's Abbas, who, in violation of the Road Map, has publicly refused to disarm and dismantle Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the other terror groups, while demanding the release of thousands of more terrorists.
Since the Israeli government has kept raising the number of prisoners it announced it would release in the last few weeks, will it finally succumb to Abbas's demand? Is Sharon about to preside over the largest terrorist release in world history?
Israeli government policy - regarding terrorist prisoner releases - might not have changed much in the last 18 years, but there are some signs of improvement among the Israeli people. A telephone poll - which included Israeli Arabs - carried out for Israel Radio on July 9, 2003, asked: Do you support or oppose the release of Hamas and Islamic Jihad prisoners who are labeled as being "without blood on their hands", within the framework of the negotiations with the Palestinians? Only 43.4% supported it, 48.5% opposed, and 8.1% held no opinion. Among Likud voters - Sharon's party - there's even less support 34.4%, while 62.5% oppose it and 3.1% answered no opinion.
And by the end of the month, in another Israel Radio poll - which also included Israeli Arabs - when asked, "Do you support the decision of the government to release Hamas and Islamic Jihad prisoners that do not have "blood on their hands"? Opposition to the release had risen to 80%, while only 14% supported it, and 6% had no reply. Clearly, Israelis today don't believe the "ostrich" approach, of ignoring terror until it goes away, will work.
Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Moshe Yaalon told reporters at the Tel HaShomer Army Base recently that the IDF is preparing for a renewal of terrorism, "as the Palestinian Authority is currently not dismantling the terror infrastructures... There could be an interim period of quiet, maybe even a long one, but I'm starting to count the days until the next outbreak of violence." Yaalon explained that the terrorists are taking advantage of the hudna - temporary cease-fire - to manufacture combat materials.
How much will this latest prisoner release bolster their forces and abilities?
If you still don't believe that terrorists will return to "work", then look at the case of Ahmed Jbarra, better known by his nom de guerre, Abu Sukkar. He's one of the Palestinian prisoners who were released by Israel on the eve of the Aqaba summit in June. In spite of his signing an agreement not to engage in any violent activities upon his release - as has the Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Fatah prisoners due to be released - he recently called on Palestinians to kidnap Israeli soldiers in order to exchange them for the prisoners held by Israel. Abu Sukkar was recently appointed as Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat's special adviser on the issue of the prisoners.
According to the Hamas-affiliated Palestine Information Center, Jbarra, who served 28 years of a life sentence for murdering 14 people when he planted a refrigerator bomb in Jerusalem's Zion Square in 1975, spoke recently at a Bethlehem rally held in his honor. The report said he "indirectly" urged Palestinians to abduct IDF soldiers. According to the center, he told the rally that there would be no peace or security for Israel without the release of all the prisoners. "I would like to remind all the national and Islamic factions that in return for three soldiers, Israel released 1,150 prisoners in the famous exchange," Jbarra said, referring to the 1985 prisoner exchange between Israel and the Syrian-backed Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestinian-General Command, headed by Ahmed Jibril. Jbarra also praised the Palestinians for killing one Jew for every three Palestinians killed during the current intifada, noting that in the previous intifada, the figure stood at one Jew for every 28 Palestinians killed in clashes with the IDF. So much for "repentant activists", one can clearly see the lessons they've learned.
When will the Israeli government learn the tragic lesson of releasing vicious murderers? I include as murderers not only those who pull the trigger, but also those who plan, finance, organize, send out, encourage and do publicity for the "shooters" and bombers. Maybe if the Israeli government would have let the public in on it's "deep dark secret" - prisoner releases bring more terror - back in 1985, by now, overwhelming public opposition to these releases would have caused the Israeli government to stop carrying them out. We can only speculate as to how many of the over 800 people killed since September 2000 by Palestinian violence in the Oslo War would be with us today if no prisoner releases or exile returns had taken place. If you still "believe" in the peace process, you haven't yet learned the lesson.
But, more importantly, we each need to ask ourselves, the Israeli government in general and PM Ariel Sharon in particular, how many lives are we willing to sacrifice for this latest "confidence-building measure"?
My personal answer is: not one Jewish life!
(c) 2003/5763 Pasko
MK Rabbi Kahane had received a phone call from one of the doctors involved and tried to publicize the incident in the Israeli media. He spoke to several journalists. He gave them details of the incident and waited to read about it in the newspapers, and hear it on the radio and television in the next day or two. When nothing appeared, he again contacted the journalists and was told that the story won't appear, because the media outlets weren't given permission by the military censor for the release of the information. Rabbi Kahane, flabbergasted, tried several more journalists, waited, and the same story repeated itself. He then contacted the censor's office itself, where he was told that they wouldn't let the story out, because the government didn't want the public to know that the terrorists that were just released were returning to "work". Rather than warn the public to be on heightened alert for possible terror attacks, which meant having to admit to a failed policy, the Israeli government chose a media blackout.
The Israeli government, MK Rabbi Kahane was told, didn't want to create fear amongst the public. They decided it would be better to keep the public in the dark about the incident, and others like it, to shield them from worrying about the probable next wave of terrorist attacks about to strike. Later, after the first intifada "broke out" in December 1987, many of the leadership, the planners and agitators were traced back to that prisoner release. Rabbi Kahane used to tell this story in the mid- and late 1980s at almost every opportunity, to point out the perfidy of the Israeli government and the danger of prisoner releases. Elements of this story leaked out over the years and it was later publicly confirmed.
Zoom ahead to December 17, 1992. The late Yitzhak Rabin is now Prime Minister; he "exiles" 400 Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists to Marj az-Zuhour in Southern Lebanon. The international media portray the daily struggles of the exiled men, trying to drum up sympathy for their plight, combating the grueling cold, stranded with insufficient food or medical supplies, etc. In fact, the Hamas and Islamic Jihad members get hold of cellular phones and make contact with Hizbollah operatives. For almost a year, they get continuous Jihadist indoctrination, bomb-making lessons and practice in guerrilla warfare techniques - don't forget the unreported vacations to Beirut - thanks to Hizbollah. Abdel Aziz Rantisi - political head of Hamas - gained international prominence at that time, as the group's spokesman.
In an interview on Israel Television the night of the expulsions, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin explained his decision to temporarily deport the Hamas and Islamic Jihad activists, saying, "I was motivated, on the one hand, by the reality of the situation. The reality in recent months has been a worsening of murderous terrorist activities by fundamentalist Islamic organizations such as Hamas, such as the Islamic Jihad... At the same time, I considered the political and legal ramifications." Rabin said that in his view, the action is not a deportation, even if it is described as such by legal terminology: "This is the temporary removal of inciters and abettors to inciters of repugnant acts of murder. Some of them for two years, some temporarily removed for one year."
He also said that a great deal of thought was given to what means were necessary to fight terrorism. "...Let's not forget," said Rabin, "what alternatives did we have? Capital punishment, destruction of houses?" Rabin demurred, "We have not hurt anybody, we have not injured, we have not killed, we have not damaged property. I view this as both the most effective means, and also the means which still physically affects these people in the most minimal sense."
Interestingly, an Israeli poll, carried out right after the deportation, showed that 91% supported the government's decision to deport the Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists. Those surveyed were also asked how they think this act will influence terrorism. Fifty-five percent answered that it will reduce terrorism, while only 26% thought it would intensify terrorism and 18% said it would have no influence. It seems the Israeli public, long educated to prisoner releases and "the most minimal" measures against terrorists, as Rabin called them, had come to the "hope" that terrorist atrocities will go away by themselves, if only we weren't "too tough" on them.
The United Nations Security Council "strongly condemned" Israel for these temporary expulsions and threatened sanctions. Under mounting international criticism and wishing to avoid such sanctions, the Rabin government offered to take back over 100 of these people and to cut the exile of the remainder in half. By September 1993, half of the deportees had returned and the remainder - with the exception of 18 who decided to remain in Lebanon to avoid arrest - returned in December 1993. The "400" eventually returned home to Gaza and the West Bank, stronger than ever, as heroes. Hamas and Islamic Jihad terror has grown exponentially since the mid 1990s. The waves of terrorist bombings from the mid 1990's on, as is well known, involved many who were "helped" by the "400".
Fast forward to late July 2003. The Israeli cabinet decided in a 14-9 vote, prior to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's trip to Washington, to release 540 Palestinian prisoners, including over 400 Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Fatah terrorists. These include relatively senior officials in Hamas' civilian leadership in the West Bank, as well as activists who served as liaisons with Hamas' leadership overseas, people involved in arranging the transfer of funds to Hamas institutions in the territories, or people who arranged military training for Hamas members. All this is being done as a "confidence-building measure" to convince the Palestinians and Americans that Israel wants to move forward on the Road Map. Yet, Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas has consistently said that it is not enough. Meeting recently in Egypt with Arab League Secretary Amr Moussa, Abbas stated that Israel "must release 6,000 prisoners in order to push the Road Map forward."
Yet, American President George W. Bush, after meeting with Palestinian PM Abbas at the White House, said, "We ought to look at the prisoner issue on a case-by-case basis... Surely nobody wants to let a cold-blooded killer out of prison, that would derail the process... I would never ask anybody in any society to let a prisoner out who would then commit terrorist actions." Later, after meeting with Bush in Washington, Sharon said he and Bush had agreed there would be no release of Palestinian prisoners "with blood on their hands", those who are likely to return to terrorism, or prisoners who, when released in the past, resumed terror activities. But how can we be guaranteed that isn't exactly what will happen, since it keeps happening?
Seeing the weakening Israeli resolve to be "tough on terror", Hizbollah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah announced recently that he is willing to give Israel one last chance for a prisoner exchange. Nasrallah called upon Germany to send an emissary for a final attempt at reaching a mutually agreeable deal for a prisoner exchange with Israel. Nasrallah threatened that if a deal were not reached with Israel, he would resume Hizbollah's efforts to abduct additional Israelis. Hizbollah, who taught Hamas and Islamic Jihad terror techniques and set the example of how to drive the mighty Israeli army out of a field of operations, is now learning from Palestinian PM Abbas. That's Abbas, who, in violation of the Road Map, has publicly refused to disarm and dismantle Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the other terror groups, while demanding the release of thousands of more terrorists.
Since the Israeli government has kept raising the number of prisoners it announced it would release in the last few weeks, will it finally succumb to Abbas's demand? Is Sharon about to preside over the largest terrorist release in world history?
Israeli government policy - regarding terrorist prisoner releases - might not have changed much in the last 18 years, but there are some signs of improvement among the Israeli people. A telephone poll - which included Israeli Arabs - carried out for Israel Radio on July 9, 2003, asked: Do you support or oppose the release of Hamas and Islamic Jihad prisoners who are labeled as being "without blood on their hands", within the framework of the negotiations with the Palestinians? Only 43.4% supported it, 48.5% opposed, and 8.1% held no opinion. Among Likud voters - Sharon's party - there's even less support 34.4%, while 62.5% oppose it and 3.1% answered no opinion.
And by the end of the month, in another Israel Radio poll - which also included Israeli Arabs - when asked, "Do you support the decision of the government to release Hamas and Islamic Jihad prisoners that do not have "blood on their hands"? Opposition to the release had risen to 80%, while only 14% supported it, and 6% had no reply. Clearly, Israelis today don't believe the "ostrich" approach, of ignoring terror until it goes away, will work.
Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Moshe Yaalon told reporters at the Tel HaShomer Army Base recently that the IDF is preparing for a renewal of terrorism, "as the Palestinian Authority is currently not dismantling the terror infrastructures... There could be an interim period of quiet, maybe even a long one, but I'm starting to count the days until the next outbreak of violence." Yaalon explained that the terrorists are taking advantage of the hudna - temporary cease-fire - to manufacture combat materials.
How much will this latest prisoner release bolster their forces and abilities?
If you still don't believe that terrorists will return to "work", then look at the case of Ahmed Jbarra, better known by his nom de guerre, Abu Sukkar. He's one of the Palestinian prisoners who were released by Israel on the eve of the Aqaba summit in June. In spite of his signing an agreement not to engage in any violent activities upon his release - as has the Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Fatah prisoners due to be released - he recently called on Palestinians to kidnap Israeli soldiers in order to exchange them for the prisoners held by Israel. Abu Sukkar was recently appointed as Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat's special adviser on the issue of the prisoners.
According to the Hamas-affiliated Palestine Information Center, Jbarra, who served 28 years of a life sentence for murdering 14 people when he planted a refrigerator bomb in Jerusalem's Zion Square in 1975, spoke recently at a Bethlehem rally held in his honor. The report said he "indirectly" urged Palestinians to abduct IDF soldiers. According to the center, he told the rally that there would be no peace or security for Israel without the release of all the prisoners. "I would like to remind all the national and Islamic factions that in return for three soldiers, Israel released 1,150 prisoners in the famous exchange," Jbarra said, referring to the 1985 prisoner exchange between Israel and the Syrian-backed Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestinian-General Command, headed by Ahmed Jibril. Jbarra also praised the Palestinians for killing one Jew for every three Palestinians killed during the current intifada, noting that in the previous intifada, the figure stood at one Jew for every 28 Palestinians killed in clashes with the IDF. So much for "repentant activists", one can clearly see the lessons they've learned.
When will the Israeli government learn the tragic lesson of releasing vicious murderers? I include as murderers not only those who pull the trigger, but also those who plan, finance, organize, send out, encourage and do publicity for the "shooters" and bombers. Maybe if the Israeli government would have let the public in on it's "deep dark secret" - prisoner releases bring more terror - back in 1985, by now, overwhelming public opposition to these releases would have caused the Israeli government to stop carrying them out. We can only speculate as to how many of the over 800 people killed since September 2000 by Palestinian violence in the Oslo War would be with us today if no prisoner releases or exile returns had taken place. If you still "believe" in the peace process, you haven't yet learned the lesson.
But, more importantly, we each need to ask ourselves, the Israeli government in general and PM Ariel Sharon in particular, how many lives are we willing to sacrifice for this latest "confidence-building measure"?
My personal answer is: not one Jewish life!
(c) 2003/5763 Pasko