C. Information Campaign Among Yesha Arabs and Encouragement of Resettlement
Let us pause for a moment to consider the big picture. The implementation of transfer will only work well if the majority of those to be resettled do so voluntarily. Forcibly expelling millions of people is not only cruel (though it may be necessary), but also extremely difficult to carry out, even for Israel's very capable army. However, not many people will shed tears if the Arabs move out of the Jewish state of their own volition. Therefore, Israel's major goal with the Arabs, both within Yesha and elsewhere in Israel, should be to encourage voluntary resettlement. It is essential to make the Arabs understand that they do not have a future in western Eretz Yisrael. As she promotes arguments in favor of transfer in the political arena, Israel must work to let the Palestinian Arabs know that relocation is in their own best interest and her policies should be conducted with the goal of making the Arabs want to leave.
Even in the current situation, in which the Palestinian Arabs harbor strong hopes for statehood in Yesha, a poll conducted among them by Bir Zeit University on September 7 and 8, 2001 showed that, given the chance, 21.9% of the Arabs would emigrate. That means that over 600,000 Arabs are ready to abandon Yesha in search of better opportunities. Undoubtedly, if Israel were to make clear that she intends to carry out the transfer option, and if she were to provide suitable incentives for the Arabs to resettle, the number of people wanting to leave will considerably increase. Simply providing a sum of money that would enable a family to move to a neighboring Arab country would lead people to do so in droves. Additional incentive to "act now" (e.g. more compensation given for moving sooner, rather than later) would also help to speed things up. If all of this was actually accompanied by a coordinated international relief effort, including the creation of the Palestinian state in Iraq or Saudi Arabia, the numbers would only increase, and significantly.
Opponents of the idea will certainly argue that it is unjust to impose a decision on people about where they should live. The root of the problem, though, is that the Palestinians have already been forced into miserable refugee camps for decades, unable to build any sort of normal lives for themselves. Because of this, it is only natural that they would pine for living in a better place and a fondly remember "better times gone by." However, considering the fact that over 40% of Israeli Arabs, 50% of Yesha Arabs and over half of the Palestinian refugees are under the age of 16, this means that significantly less than half of all Palestinians were around before 1967, and obviously far fewer before 1948. Their "attachment" to a land, which most of them have never even seen, derives largely from their desire for some kind of better life than the one they have now, coupled with incessant propaganda by their leaders, which has done much to inflame their sense of having been wronged and nothing at all to improve their lot. Given a true opportunity to leave the refugee camps and start building lives for themselves, it is safe to assume that many Palestinian Arabs would jump at the chance.
One other major factor that keeps the Arabs of Yesha tied to Eretz Yisrael is the fact that much of their livelihood comes from working in Israel. Yehezkel Bin-Nun wrote on March 21 in the Israeli newspaper Makor Rishon that even currently, at a time when Israel has restricted the entry of Yesha Arabs into Israel, significant numbers are still employed in Israel. Bin-Nun writes, ?In all, it is estimated that Israelis employ 150,000 Yesha Arabs every day. Terje Larsen, the former UN coordinator for the Palestinian Authority, says that each Arab worker supports approximately 10 Arabs. That means that in all, Israeli companies support 1.5 million Yesha Arabs, or half the total amount. Similarly, Deputy Minister of Defense Ephraim Sneh (Labor) estimates that 40 percent of the PA GNP is derived from Arabs working in ?Green Line? Israel.? Clearly, the ability of the Arabs to work in Israel is a key reason that they choose to remain in Yesha. Bin-Nun writes that since Israel has reduced the number of work permits ?it is estimated that some 100,000 Arabs have left PA-controlled areas in the past year and emigrated to foreign countries?? (let us also not forget the over 600,000 Arabs who want to emigrate). Thus, in order to encourage this emigration, part of the policy of transfer must include stopping the issuance of work permits to Yesha Arabs. Instead of work permits, Israel can issue them resettlement compensation packages and send them on their way. Since they aren't citizens, there is no reason Israel should feel obligated to provide employment for them. As old work permits expire, fewer and fewer Yesha Arabs will work in Israel. If these policies are consistently implemented and enforced, the Arabs will no longer be able to count on employment in Israel and the number of those wanting to emigrate will substantially increase.
D. Information Campaign Among Israeli Arabs
Encouraging Israeli Arabs to relocate will be much more complicated than doing so among Yesha Arabs and refugees. Yet this must be done, because even on their own, Israeli Arabs constitute a demographic threat to the Jewish character of the state. It will be much more difficult for them (comfortably established in a democratic society) to accept the curtailment of their political rights, but Israel simply has no other choice. At the same time this group of Arabs, raised on democracy, can become the kernel of the new state for Palestinian Arabs in Iraq or Saudi Arabia. This can provide the opportunity to actually create the first ever democratic Arab country.
Israel needs to pass a law that will stipulate in some form that non-Jewish citizens of the state, while retaining full and irrevocable civil rights, will have no ability to participate in Israeli political life. This will provide a disincentive for Arabs to live in Israel, while not actually curtailing their day-to-day lives there. At the same time it is advisable to follow the suggestion of Michael Kleiner, MK from Herut, who suggests creating a law that will encourage the resettlement of Palestinian Arabs out of Israel into surrounding Arab countries (or to wherever the new Palestinian state may be) with concurrent monetary compensation. Yet another policy that Israel should implement is a law mandating some type of civil service for every citizen that does not serve in the army. At the moment, the Arabs have a "free ride," as do some groups of Jews, like the ultra-orthodox. However, since the law will be mandatory for all citizens - both Jewish and Arab -Arabs will need to choose between either serving the Jewish state or leaving it.
Israeli Arabs can be given one more option - to convert to Judaism if they prefer to stay put. Jewish history records a case of mass conversion of a non-Jewish population to Judaism. In 120 BCE, after subduing the Idumeans, Jonathan Hyrcanus gave them a choice: expulsion or conversion to Judaism. Over a million of them preferred to remain and converted. Josephus wrote that a hundred years later the descendents of these converted Jews were among the most ardent defenders of the Jewish state in its struggle with Rome.
E. Israel's Actions in Yesha and the Relocation Itself
Though the importance of all these information campaigns can't be overstated, Israel must accompany them by actions carried out in Yesha that demonstrate the seriousness of her intentions. It is absolutely clear that the first step is the destruction of Arafat's regime and the annexation of Judea, Samaria and Gaza. The Arabs must be led to understand that these lands are an inseparable part of the Jewish state forever. Professor Paul Eidelberg, president of the Yamin Yisrael party, has the very worthwhile idea of selling plots of land in Yesha at low prices to Jews residing anywhere in the world and wanting to move to Israel. Also deserving of consideration is his other suggestion of relocating various governmental institutions to Yesha. The continued development of Jewish life in Yesha must became a priority in Israel's policy. A similarly important task is the development of Yesha's infrastructure including the construction of highways, an airport and a sea-port.
Meanwhile, any attempts on the part of the Arabs to carry out sabotage or terrorist activity must be immediately suppressed in the most brutal way. It is possible, for example, to implement a suggestion by Harvard Professor Alan Dershowitz, a leading American lawyer. With slight modification, it works as follows: Israel issues a warning that, in a response to any terrorist attack, she will immediately and completely level an Arab village or settlement, randomly chosen by a computer from a published list. The essence of the idea is to make the Arabs completely responsible for their own fate and to make it clear that terrorism will not be tolerated, but will be harshly punished. Along with the world community, the Arabs will know precisely what will result if they attack Jews. The use of a computer to select the place of the Israeli response will put the Arabs and the Jews on a level footing. The Jews do not know where the terrorists will strike and the Arabs will not know which one of their villages or settlements will be erased in retaliation. The word "erased" very precisely reflects the force necessary in Israel's response. The Arabs residing there will be evicted without compensation, all houses and buildings completely demolished and the settlement itself, with the help of bulldozers and any other necessary equipment, will be leveled into a large field. After the appearance of several such fields the Arabs will lose any desire to commit terrorist attacks and the number of Arabs wanting to leave Eretz Yisrael will certainly increase.
Israel will need to develop something like a timetable for the transfer to take place, establishing certain time windows within which various stages of the transfer should be completed. This information should, of course, be shared with the rest of the world, since Israel's goal is to involve other countries in furthering this process. It is most favorable for the entire transfer process to be as quick as possible, hopefully not to exceed a 5- to 8-year time period. The faster it is completed the better the outcome for all involved. Both the Jews and Arabs can start recovering their lives and establishing real neighborly relations, no longer marred by constant conflict. Israel must make clear to the world community that, if a decision cannot be made within 3 to 5 years to establish a state for the Palestinian Arabs in some viable location, she will be forced to start the forced expulsion of Arabs into Jordan and the Sinai. If all the other elements of the transfer strategy are concurrently implemented throughout this time period, it is valid to assume that the number of Arabs remaining to be resettled will be far less than one million. The rest by this time will likely have left Yesha voluntarily.
During these 3 to 5 years of negotiations with the international community Israel must hold a dialogue with Jordan and with Egypt, on the subject of the Yesha Arabs' relocation there, if the alternative Iraqi or Saudi options are unsuccessful. As incentive for Jordan, for instance, Israel can offer various forms of cooperation in different areas of the project, as well as the usual allotment of generous resettlement compensation payments for each family. At the same time, Israel must make clear to the Jordanian leaders that if an agreement can't be reached, Israel will be forced to expel the Yesha Arabs. In that case, Jordan will lose from both a moral and a material standpoint.
Needless to say, forceful resettlement will not be a pleasant spectacle. However, it is an undoubtedly much better sight than a situation in which the Arabs flee across the border en masse from a full scale war, toward which they so inevitably now push Israel. Those who consider this kind of transfer legitimate, since it happens as a result of a war, are simply hypocrites. Clearly, in such a situation the number of potential casualties will be significantly greater than during an organized and planned transfer, one unaccompanied by war.
Israel must thoroughly consider and work out the actual operations of resettlement; for example, experts can determine whether it is more advantageous to do it in large or small groups. Decisions must be also made on the subject of the various transfer stages. Perhaps, it is possible to begin with the smaller settlements, giving other Arabs more opportunity to leave voluntarily. We must not forget that the moment resettlement begins, the Arabs will instantly lose any illusions they may still be harboring about the seriousness of Israel's intentions to bring the transfer strategy to fruition. As an example, the relocation of a small settlement (1,000 people) can be completed within a 48-hour period, similarly to a military border-crossing operation. Israel will supply the relocated community with temporary housing, water and electricity (providing tents, a generator, water cisterns, etc.). The abandoned settlement must be completely demolished level with the ground. Israel must also warn the Arab world and the United Nations that any attempts by Arab countries to militarily interfere with Israel's actions will be considered by the Jewish state to be acts of aggression, and will be followed by a massive Israeli military response, as well as the immediate expulsion of all the Arabs from western Eretz Yisrael.
Of course, much of what is being proposed here is not "nice" or politically correct at all, and many will object to these ideas. But we absolutely must keep in mind the big picture - this is not being suggested because life is good and Israel feels like oppressing some Arabs. It needs to be done, because the current situation is absolutely intolerable for all involved and the alternatives will not provide a permanent solution.
Conclusion
Obviously, life will add its own corrections to this process, and issues that seem absolutely unsolvable or questionably achievable at the moment will be more easily resolved and accomplished when the time comes. What is most important, above all, is to have a clear goal in sight and to move towards it. For Israel, the goal is her own long-term stable survival as a Jewish state, for which she must be guaranteed a perpetual Jewish majority as well as secure borders. For the Palestinian Arabs, it is being in charge of their own future and having the chance to lead normal, productive, happy lives. The only realistic way to achieve all these goals is to resettle the Palestinian Arabs out of western Eretz Yisrael into other Arab states, or to create another separate state for them on lands tailored from the vast territorial expanses of the Arab world. It is simple to say, but much harder to put it into practice. When the world community accepts that Israel cannot and will not compromise her own identity as a Jewish state, and when the Arab world becomes interested in actually helping the Palestinian Arabs, rather than using them to try to destroy Israel, and when Israeli Jews understand that the transfer solution is not just the only possible solution, but is also substantiated by the Torah, only then will there be no doubt that Israel will attain her goal.
When two spouses truly do not get along and hate one another, it is foolish, useless, and cruel to force them to continue living together. They will never be able to share a bedroom. As Rabbi Shlomo Carlebach once noted, Zohar Ha'Kodesh says that Eretz Yisrael is God's bedroom where He interacts with the Jews, His chosen people, and where others do not belong. They have no business being involved in the relationship between God and the Jewish people. This is especially true now, when all that remains as a home for the Jews is the tiny bedroom called western Eretz Yisrael.
----------------------------------
Boris Shusteff is an engineer. He is also a research associate with the Freeman Center for Strategic Studies.
Let us pause for a moment to consider the big picture. The implementation of transfer will only work well if the majority of those to be resettled do so voluntarily. Forcibly expelling millions of people is not only cruel (though it may be necessary), but also extremely difficult to carry out, even for Israel's very capable army. However, not many people will shed tears if the Arabs move out of the Jewish state of their own volition. Therefore, Israel's major goal with the Arabs, both within Yesha and elsewhere in Israel, should be to encourage voluntary resettlement. It is essential to make the Arabs understand that they do not have a future in western Eretz Yisrael. As she promotes arguments in favor of transfer in the political arena, Israel must work to let the Palestinian Arabs know that relocation is in their own best interest and her policies should be conducted with the goal of making the Arabs want to leave.
Even in the current situation, in which the Palestinian Arabs harbor strong hopes for statehood in Yesha, a poll conducted among them by Bir Zeit University on September 7 and 8, 2001 showed that, given the chance, 21.9% of the Arabs would emigrate. That means that over 600,000 Arabs are ready to abandon Yesha in search of better opportunities. Undoubtedly, if Israel were to make clear that she intends to carry out the transfer option, and if she were to provide suitable incentives for the Arabs to resettle, the number of people wanting to leave will considerably increase. Simply providing a sum of money that would enable a family to move to a neighboring Arab country would lead people to do so in droves. Additional incentive to "act now" (e.g. more compensation given for moving sooner, rather than later) would also help to speed things up. If all of this was actually accompanied by a coordinated international relief effort, including the creation of the Palestinian state in Iraq or Saudi Arabia, the numbers would only increase, and significantly.
Opponents of the idea will certainly argue that it is unjust to impose a decision on people about where they should live. The root of the problem, though, is that the Palestinians have already been forced into miserable refugee camps for decades, unable to build any sort of normal lives for themselves. Because of this, it is only natural that they would pine for living in a better place and a fondly remember "better times gone by." However, considering the fact that over 40% of Israeli Arabs, 50% of Yesha Arabs and over half of the Palestinian refugees are under the age of 16, this means that significantly less than half of all Palestinians were around before 1967, and obviously far fewer before 1948. Their "attachment" to a land, which most of them have never even seen, derives largely from their desire for some kind of better life than the one they have now, coupled with incessant propaganda by their leaders, which has done much to inflame their sense of having been wronged and nothing at all to improve their lot. Given a true opportunity to leave the refugee camps and start building lives for themselves, it is safe to assume that many Palestinian Arabs would jump at the chance.
One other major factor that keeps the Arabs of Yesha tied to Eretz Yisrael is the fact that much of their livelihood comes from working in Israel. Yehezkel Bin-Nun wrote on March 21 in the Israeli newspaper Makor Rishon that even currently, at a time when Israel has restricted the entry of Yesha Arabs into Israel, significant numbers are still employed in Israel. Bin-Nun writes, ?In all, it is estimated that Israelis employ 150,000 Yesha Arabs every day. Terje Larsen, the former UN coordinator for the Palestinian Authority, says that each Arab worker supports approximately 10 Arabs. That means that in all, Israeli companies support 1.5 million Yesha Arabs, or half the total amount. Similarly, Deputy Minister of Defense Ephraim Sneh (Labor) estimates that 40 percent of the PA GNP is derived from Arabs working in ?Green Line? Israel.? Clearly, the ability of the Arabs to work in Israel is a key reason that they choose to remain in Yesha. Bin-Nun writes that since Israel has reduced the number of work permits ?it is estimated that some 100,000 Arabs have left PA-controlled areas in the past year and emigrated to foreign countries?? (let us also not forget the over 600,000 Arabs who want to emigrate). Thus, in order to encourage this emigration, part of the policy of transfer must include stopping the issuance of work permits to Yesha Arabs. Instead of work permits, Israel can issue them resettlement compensation packages and send them on their way. Since they aren't citizens, there is no reason Israel should feel obligated to provide employment for them. As old work permits expire, fewer and fewer Yesha Arabs will work in Israel. If these policies are consistently implemented and enforced, the Arabs will no longer be able to count on employment in Israel and the number of those wanting to emigrate will substantially increase.
D. Information Campaign Among Israeli Arabs
Encouraging Israeli Arabs to relocate will be much more complicated than doing so among Yesha Arabs and refugees. Yet this must be done, because even on their own, Israeli Arabs constitute a demographic threat to the Jewish character of the state. It will be much more difficult for them (comfortably established in a democratic society) to accept the curtailment of their political rights, but Israel simply has no other choice. At the same time this group of Arabs, raised on democracy, can become the kernel of the new state for Palestinian Arabs in Iraq or Saudi Arabia. This can provide the opportunity to actually create the first ever democratic Arab country.
Israel needs to pass a law that will stipulate in some form that non-Jewish citizens of the state, while retaining full and irrevocable civil rights, will have no ability to participate in Israeli political life. This will provide a disincentive for Arabs to live in Israel, while not actually curtailing their day-to-day lives there. At the same time it is advisable to follow the suggestion of Michael Kleiner, MK from Herut, who suggests creating a law that will encourage the resettlement of Palestinian Arabs out of Israel into surrounding Arab countries (or to wherever the new Palestinian state may be) with concurrent monetary compensation. Yet another policy that Israel should implement is a law mandating some type of civil service for every citizen that does not serve in the army. At the moment, the Arabs have a "free ride," as do some groups of Jews, like the ultra-orthodox. However, since the law will be mandatory for all citizens - both Jewish and Arab -Arabs will need to choose between either serving the Jewish state or leaving it.
Israeli Arabs can be given one more option - to convert to Judaism if they prefer to stay put. Jewish history records a case of mass conversion of a non-Jewish population to Judaism. In 120 BCE, after subduing the Idumeans, Jonathan Hyrcanus gave them a choice: expulsion or conversion to Judaism. Over a million of them preferred to remain and converted. Josephus wrote that a hundred years later the descendents of these converted Jews were among the most ardent defenders of the Jewish state in its struggle with Rome.
E. Israel's Actions in Yesha and the Relocation Itself
Though the importance of all these information campaigns can't be overstated, Israel must accompany them by actions carried out in Yesha that demonstrate the seriousness of her intentions. It is absolutely clear that the first step is the destruction of Arafat's regime and the annexation of Judea, Samaria and Gaza. The Arabs must be led to understand that these lands are an inseparable part of the Jewish state forever. Professor Paul Eidelberg, president of the Yamin Yisrael party, has the very worthwhile idea of selling plots of land in Yesha at low prices to Jews residing anywhere in the world and wanting to move to Israel. Also deserving of consideration is his other suggestion of relocating various governmental institutions to Yesha. The continued development of Jewish life in Yesha must became a priority in Israel's policy. A similarly important task is the development of Yesha's infrastructure including the construction of highways, an airport and a sea-port.
Meanwhile, any attempts on the part of the Arabs to carry out sabotage or terrorist activity must be immediately suppressed in the most brutal way. It is possible, for example, to implement a suggestion by Harvard Professor Alan Dershowitz, a leading American lawyer. With slight modification, it works as follows: Israel issues a warning that, in a response to any terrorist attack, she will immediately and completely level an Arab village or settlement, randomly chosen by a computer from a published list. The essence of the idea is to make the Arabs completely responsible for their own fate and to make it clear that terrorism will not be tolerated, but will be harshly punished. Along with the world community, the Arabs will know precisely what will result if they attack Jews. The use of a computer to select the place of the Israeli response will put the Arabs and the Jews on a level footing. The Jews do not know where the terrorists will strike and the Arabs will not know which one of their villages or settlements will be erased in retaliation. The word "erased" very precisely reflects the force necessary in Israel's response. The Arabs residing there will be evicted without compensation, all houses and buildings completely demolished and the settlement itself, with the help of bulldozers and any other necessary equipment, will be leveled into a large field. After the appearance of several such fields the Arabs will lose any desire to commit terrorist attacks and the number of Arabs wanting to leave Eretz Yisrael will certainly increase.
Israel will need to develop something like a timetable for the transfer to take place, establishing certain time windows within which various stages of the transfer should be completed. This information should, of course, be shared with the rest of the world, since Israel's goal is to involve other countries in furthering this process. It is most favorable for the entire transfer process to be as quick as possible, hopefully not to exceed a 5- to 8-year time period. The faster it is completed the better the outcome for all involved. Both the Jews and Arabs can start recovering their lives and establishing real neighborly relations, no longer marred by constant conflict. Israel must make clear to the world community that, if a decision cannot be made within 3 to 5 years to establish a state for the Palestinian Arabs in some viable location, she will be forced to start the forced expulsion of Arabs into Jordan and the Sinai. If all the other elements of the transfer strategy are concurrently implemented throughout this time period, it is valid to assume that the number of Arabs remaining to be resettled will be far less than one million. The rest by this time will likely have left Yesha voluntarily.
During these 3 to 5 years of negotiations with the international community Israel must hold a dialogue with Jordan and with Egypt, on the subject of the Yesha Arabs' relocation there, if the alternative Iraqi or Saudi options are unsuccessful. As incentive for Jordan, for instance, Israel can offer various forms of cooperation in different areas of the project, as well as the usual allotment of generous resettlement compensation payments for each family. At the same time, Israel must make clear to the Jordanian leaders that if an agreement can't be reached, Israel will be forced to expel the Yesha Arabs. In that case, Jordan will lose from both a moral and a material standpoint.
Needless to say, forceful resettlement will not be a pleasant spectacle. However, it is an undoubtedly much better sight than a situation in which the Arabs flee across the border en masse from a full scale war, toward which they so inevitably now push Israel. Those who consider this kind of transfer legitimate, since it happens as a result of a war, are simply hypocrites. Clearly, in such a situation the number of potential casualties will be significantly greater than during an organized and planned transfer, one unaccompanied by war.
Israel must thoroughly consider and work out the actual operations of resettlement; for example, experts can determine whether it is more advantageous to do it in large or small groups. Decisions must be also made on the subject of the various transfer stages. Perhaps, it is possible to begin with the smaller settlements, giving other Arabs more opportunity to leave voluntarily. We must not forget that the moment resettlement begins, the Arabs will instantly lose any illusions they may still be harboring about the seriousness of Israel's intentions to bring the transfer strategy to fruition. As an example, the relocation of a small settlement (1,000 people) can be completed within a 48-hour period, similarly to a military border-crossing operation. Israel will supply the relocated community with temporary housing, water and electricity (providing tents, a generator, water cisterns, etc.). The abandoned settlement must be completely demolished level with the ground. Israel must also warn the Arab world and the United Nations that any attempts by Arab countries to militarily interfere with Israel's actions will be considered by the Jewish state to be acts of aggression, and will be followed by a massive Israeli military response, as well as the immediate expulsion of all the Arabs from western Eretz Yisrael.
Of course, much of what is being proposed here is not "nice" or politically correct at all, and many will object to these ideas. But we absolutely must keep in mind the big picture - this is not being suggested because life is good and Israel feels like oppressing some Arabs. It needs to be done, because the current situation is absolutely intolerable for all involved and the alternatives will not provide a permanent solution.
Conclusion
Obviously, life will add its own corrections to this process, and issues that seem absolutely unsolvable or questionably achievable at the moment will be more easily resolved and accomplished when the time comes. What is most important, above all, is to have a clear goal in sight and to move towards it. For Israel, the goal is her own long-term stable survival as a Jewish state, for which she must be guaranteed a perpetual Jewish majority as well as secure borders. For the Palestinian Arabs, it is being in charge of their own future and having the chance to lead normal, productive, happy lives. The only realistic way to achieve all these goals is to resettle the Palestinian Arabs out of western Eretz Yisrael into other Arab states, or to create another separate state for them on lands tailored from the vast territorial expanses of the Arab world. It is simple to say, but much harder to put it into practice. When the world community accepts that Israel cannot and will not compromise her own identity as a Jewish state, and when the Arab world becomes interested in actually helping the Palestinian Arabs, rather than using them to try to destroy Israel, and when Israeli Jews understand that the transfer solution is not just the only possible solution, but is also substantiated by the Torah, only then will there be no doubt that Israel will attain her goal.
When two spouses truly do not get along and hate one another, it is foolish, useless, and cruel to force them to continue living together. They will never be able to share a bedroom. As Rabbi Shlomo Carlebach once noted, Zohar Ha'Kodesh says that Eretz Yisrael is God's bedroom where He interacts with the Jews, His chosen people, and where others do not belong. They have no business being involved in the relationship between God and the Jewish people. This is especially true now, when all that remains as a home for the Jews is the tiny bedroom called western Eretz Yisrael.
----------------------------------
Boris Shusteff is an engineer. He is also a research associate with the Freeman Center for Strategic Studies.