B. Information Campaign Among Israeli Jews
Explanatory work among Israeli Jews is perhaps an even more important task than the work that awaits Israeli diplomats on the international arena. This is simply because if they are to garner any support for the transfer option, it is the Jews themselves, who must first and foremost understand the justice and necessity of this cause. If the Israeli Jews were convinced it had to be done, the relocation of the Arabs would have been carried out a very long time ago and relations between Israel and the Arabs would by now be much healthier. Recall again Herzl's words about the Zionist dream, which apply so well to this case - the plan only seems "?absurd if a single individual? [tries] carry it out; but if worked out by a number of Jews in co-operation? its accomplishment would present no insurmountable difficulties." The problem is that with the exception of Moledet, Israeli political parties not only do not speak out in support of transfer, but actually oppose it. This is true both of leftist and rightist parties.
This situation is simply unacceptable, because even the leaders of the nationalist camp openly admit that their opinions diverge from those of their constituents. On March 17, Aryeh Dayan wrote an article in the Israeli daily Ha'aretz, analyzing the results of the previously mentioned TAU Jaffee Center survey, which found that 46% of those polled supported the transfer of the Arabs. Dayan quotes deputy minister Yuli Edelstein, of the Yisrael Be-Aliyah party, who said, "The results of the poll unfortunately reflect the reality that I encounter almost every day? Some support transfer quite blatantly, while others use more subtle phraseology, but all agree that something has to be done." Also quoted is Shaul Yahalom, MK of the National Religious Party (NRP), who says, "I hear support for transfer almost everywhere I go." Finally, Dayan writes that MK Michael Kleiner, leader of the Herut movement, feels that "public support of transfer is even greater than revealed by the poll. 'Anyone who wants the existence of a Jewish state knows there is a real demographic problem,' he says. 'Some people are dragged into supporting transfer, but there are many who know that it is unethical and would be embarrassed to admit to the pollsters that they support it.'" However, in spite of being aware that it is gaining support, all three of these MK are opposed to the idea of transfer. Dayan writes, ?Edelstein thinks transfer is immoral, not feasible, and dangerous to Israel and Israeli society. ?The fact that it has sprung from the terrible distress we are suffering does not make it any less dangerous,? he says. ? Edelstein views serious thoughts of transfer as irrational, both because it is immoral and impossible to implement.? Both Yahalom and Kleiner are worried by the growing support for transfer, but are more moderate in their responses to the problem. If 46 percent of the public supports transfer, but the only party that advocates it is Moledet, which has only one representative in the Knesset and has never had more than three, the political system will hold it back.?
Overall, Dayan's article makes it very clear that even though the idea of transfer is quickly gaining popular support among Israeli Jews, and political leaders are aware of this, the high level of support is not reflected at the government level. Thus, to a significant extent, what holds the transfer option back is the unwillingness of the nationalist camp's leaders to seriously consider it. It is a wonderful example of Israeli "democracy," which effectively shows that the desires of the people are unimportant and that the corrupt Israeli political system will "withstand" the spread of this idea, preventing the people's voices from being heard. In order to make these voices heard, perhaps Moledet should lead the information campaign in Israel, as the single party that actually supports transfer. Its spokesmen must unceasingly work to promote the transfer idea and constantly explain the myriad reasons for its necessity and its ultimate justice, because it will only become possible for Israelis to discuss it seriously after changing the attitude towards it among Israeli politicians.
For instance, Moledet should work to refute the objections that are brought up regarding the transfer policy. As do most of those who oppose transfer, Kleiner, Edelstein and Yahalom base their opposition to it on two main points: that it is unethical and immoral, and besides that, it is unfeasible and impossible to implement. The possibility of implementing transfer is precisely what the present article is hoping to demonstrate. As for the claim that it is immoral - it is obviously based on an emotional gut reaction, without rationally considering the issue in context. Abstractly speaking, it is of course unethical to arbitrarily force large numbers of people to abandon their homes and move elsewhere. In the context of the Israeli-Arab conflict, however, in the interest of preserving lives, and making a normal future suddenly possible for huge numbers of people who previously had no hope at all, transfer in fact becomes the most moral choice. It is time that the issue was turned from its head back onto its feet, so that it can stop being taboo in Israeli society and politics. The Israeli leftist camp constantly insists that they "do not want to rule over another people," and the transfer option is of course completely in line with this slogan.
There are many more reasons why Israelis should support transfer. They must understand that transfer will be advantageous absolutely for everyone and for everything. It will not only eliminate the tension in the Middle East (assuming that the world community assists in relocating the Arabs), but will also significantly enhance the defensive potential of the Jewish state. Transfer will give Israel the perpetual Jewish majority that she needs, increased security, increased strategic military depth; it will lead to a reinvigoration of aliyah, and eliminate the Sword of Damocles that is the "refugee problem." At the same time, the second state for the Palestinian Arabs, from its very beginning, will be built on a healthy foundation, without any possibility of revenge against Israel (and therefore any false hope for it), finally giving the wounds of the conflict a chance to heal.
It should be emphasized that one of the vital benefits that transfer will provide is the complete elimination of the Arab demographic threat to Israel. The state can remain Jewish forever. One need not search for any artificial methods of curbing or otherwise dealing with the high birth rate among the Arabs. The troubling predictions, that the number of Arabs in Israel will soon catch up with the Israeli Jewish population, will simply never materialize. At the same time, Israelis need to realize that a country for the Palestinian Arabs made up of disjointed parts, and only 2,268 square miles in total area, is absolutely unviable, as has already been mentioned. Virtually no one who today advocates the creation of a Palestinian state in Yesha has seriously considered its subsequent viability and development, but that is what makes all the difference in deciding whether or not it is a good idea. If we also take into account the fact that the Arab population doubles every 16 years, it is more than na?ve to think that the Arabs will be satisfied with the tiny parcels of land in Gaza, Judea and Samaria, and will voluntarily suppress their vengeful ambitions, especially since most of them consider all of "historical Palestine" (including present-day Israel) to be theirs. Meanwhile, in such a situation, Israel would lose the natural protection of the Samarian hills, making it absolutely clear that this option is nothing less than a prelude to inevitable disaster.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Israelis need to understand that the relocation of the Palestinian Arabs to Iraq or Saudi Arabia is, above all, advantageous for the Palestinian Arabs themselves. Various Arab leaders, will, of course, disagree, but these are the same Arab leaders who have unscrupulously used the Palestinians as cannon-fodder and their plight as unending political capital in their incessant attempts to destroy the Jewish state. At the same time, as the transfer is carried out, those Jews who feel the pain of others more strongly than their own, will be able to assist in countless ways in building this new Arab state in Iraq or Saudi Arabia. If the world community decides to help with the implementation of transfer there is no doubt that Israel will take on the lion's share not only in terms of monetary assistance, but also in helping develop irrigation, industry, agriculture, and a multitude of other projects.
Discussion of the resettlement itself must be focused on two key points. First, if there can be any talk about the "return," - and therefore the resettlement - of nearly four million so-called "Palestinian refugees," this means the uprooting and relocation of huge numbers of people. In this case, the actual number of people being moved is unimportant, since mass relocation is a given, and it is infinitely better, both for those people, as well as for the Arabs and Jews of Israel, if the Arabs relocate to some place where they will not immediately be in conflict and at odds with their neighbors. Considering that the vast majority of these people currently live in misery and poverty, a fresh start in a new place will do wonders for them, and with some international aid, great progress can be made immediately.
It's worth noting that almost all the arguments given in favor of transfer thus far have been based on practical considerations of the current situation. However, there is obviously a reason why the Jewish state is where it is, and we must not forget the deep and powerful religious and historical connection that Jews have with these lands. It is obvious that one of the main reasons why so many Israeli Jews are ready to part with Judea, Samaria and Gaza is that they have forgotten (or become indifferent to) the idea that these are primordial Jewish lands, which belong to them by right. Part of the information campaign among Israelis must then be aimed at re-emphasizing the historical and religious connection of Jews to their Land.
The leading role in helping to fill in this gap in Jewish education must fall on the National Religious Party, especially with Effie Eitam at its helm. Interestingly, Dayan's mentions in his article that "Yahalom [says] that the NRP vocally opposes transfer, both in the educational arena and in politics. 'The main religious-Zionist rabbis have ruled that transfer is forbidden by both halacha (Jewish law) and Jewish tradition.'" Yahalom's statement about this halachic ruling tells us that the NRP is much more concerned with its political capital than with the truth. While this author does not claim to be an expert in halacha, it is doubtful that one can question the halachic knowledge of Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu, the Chief Rabbi of Safed. On March 24 Ha'aretz quoted his answer to a question asked on his "Kippa" website. Eliyahu wrote, "If someone claims that the idea of transfer is not supported by the Halacha, he simply does not know Halacha. Please show me one rabbi in the world who disagrees with this idea, and can make a single reference to Halacha."
Clearly, transfer can't simply be dismissed out of hand the way that Yahalom attempts to do it. Whatever the halachic ruling on transfer, the case for Jewish rights and ownership of the lands of Yesha is virtually ironclad, if even a minimal amount of Jewish history and religious tradition are taken into account. If the Arabs invoke historic and religious claims to Eretz Yisrael, Israeli Jews must remember that their historic and religious claims to it are much stronger by any objective standard. Actually, it is simply enough to take note of a speech made by American (gentile) Senator Jim Inhofe, who put all Jewish Zionists to shame when, in a March 4 speech in the U.S. Senate, he declared that Israel has complete rights to the lands of Yesha and demanded that America support these rights. He said, in particular, ?I believe very strongly that we ought to support Israel; that it has a right to the land. This is the most important reason: Because God said so.? Look it up in the book of Genesis. It is right up there on the desk? In Genesis 13:14-17? where God appeared to Abram and said, ?I am giving you this land?? - the West Bank. This is not a political battle at all. It is a contest over whether or not the word of God is true.? If the American senator so convincingly refers to God, then the Jews, who gave monotheism to the world, must not be ashamed to do the same. When the Jews of Eretz Yisrael feel for themselves that their claims to Judea, Samaria and Gaza are at least as strong, and stronger, than those of the Arabs, they will be one significant step closer to realizing the Zionist dream.
[End Part 3 of 4]
----------------------------------
Boris Shusteff is an engineer. He is also a research associate with the Freeman Center for Strategic Studies.
Explanatory work among Israeli Jews is perhaps an even more important task than the work that awaits Israeli diplomats on the international arena. This is simply because if they are to garner any support for the transfer option, it is the Jews themselves, who must first and foremost understand the justice and necessity of this cause. If the Israeli Jews were convinced it had to be done, the relocation of the Arabs would have been carried out a very long time ago and relations between Israel and the Arabs would by now be much healthier. Recall again Herzl's words about the Zionist dream, which apply so well to this case - the plan only seems "?absurd if a single individual? [tries] carry it out; but if worked out by a number of Jews in co-operation? its accomplishment would present no insurmountable difficulties." The problem is that with the exception of Moledet, Israeli political parties not only do not speak out in support of transfer, but actually oppose it. This is true both of leftist and rightist parties.
This situation is simply unacceptable, because even the leaders of the nationalist camp openly admit that their opinions diverge from those of their constituents. On March 17, Aryeh Dayan wrote an article in the Israeli daily Ha'aretz, analyzing the results of the previously mentioned TAU Jaffee Center survey, which found that 46% of those polled supported the transfer of the Arabs. Dayan quotes deputy minister Yuli Edelstein, of the Yisrael Be-Aliyah party, who said, "The results of the poll unfortunately reflect the reality that I encounter almost every day? Some support transfer quite blatantly, while others use more subtle phraseology, but all agree that something has to be done." Also quoted is Shaul Yahalom, MK of the National Religious Party (NRP), who says, "I hear support for transfer almost everywhere I go." Finally, Dayan writes that MK Michael Kleiner, leader of the Herut movement, feels that "public support of transfer is even greater than revealed by the poll. 'Anyone who wants the existence of a Jewish state knows there is a real demographic problem,' he says. 'Some people are dragged into supporting transfer, but there are many who know that it is unethical and would be embarrassed to admit to the pollsters that they support it.'" However, in spite of being aware that it is gaining support, all three of these MK are opposed to the idea of transfer. Dayan writes, ?Edelstein thinks transfer is immoral, not feasible, and dangerous to Israel and Israeli society. ?The fact that it has sprung from the terrible distress we are suffering does not make it any less dangerous,? he says. ? Edelstein views serious thoughts of transfer as irrational, both because it is immoral and impossible to implement.? Both Yahalom and Kleiner are worried by the growing support for transfer, but are more moderate in their responses to the problem. If 46 percent of the public supports transfer, but the only party that advocates it is Moledet, which has only one representative in the Knesset and has never had more than three, the political system will hold it back.?
Overall, Dayan's article makes it very clear that even though the idea of transfer is quickly gaining popular support among Israeli Jews, and political leaders are aware of this, the high level of support is not reflected at the government level. Thus, to a significant extent, what holds the transfer option back is the unwillingness of the nationalist camp's leaders to seriously consider it. It is a wonderful example of Israeli "democracy," which effectively shows that the desires of the people are unimportant and that the corrupt Israeli political system will "withstand" the spread of this idea, preventing the people's voices from being heard. In order to make these voices heard, perhaps Moledet should lead the information campaign in Israel, as the single party that actually supports transfer. Its spokesmen must unceasingly work to promote the transfer idea and constantly explain the myriad reasons for its necessity and its ultimate justice, because it will only become possible for Israelis to discuss it seriously after changing the attitude towards it among Israeli politicians.
For instance, Moledet should work to refute the objections that are brought up regarding the transfer policy. As do most of those who oppose transfer, Kleiner, Edelstein and Yahalom base their opposition to it on two main points: that it is unethical and immoral, and besides that, it is unfeasible and impossible to implement. The possibility of implementing transfer is precisely what the present article is hoping to demonstrate. As for the claim that it is immoral - it is obviously based on an emotional gut reaction, without rationally considering the issue in context. Abstractly speaking, it is of course unethical to arbitrarily force large numbers of people to abandon their homes and move elsewhere. In the context of the Israeli-Arab conflict, however, in the interest of preserving lives, and making a normal future suddenly possible for huge numbers of people who previously had no hope at all, transfer in fact becomes the most moral choice. It is time that the issue was turned from its head back onto its feet, so that it can stop being taboo in Israeli society and politics. The Israeli leftist camp constantly insists that they "do not want to rule over another people," and the transfer option is of course completely in line with this slogan.
There are many more reasons why Israelis should support transfer. They must understand that transfer will be advantageous absolutely for everyone and for everything. It will not only eliminate the tension in the Middle East (assuming that the world community assists in relocating the Arabs), but will also significantly enhance the defensive potential of the Jewish state. Transfer will give Israel the perpetual Jewish majority that she needs, increased security, increased strategic military depth; it will lead to a reinvigoration of aliyah, and eliminate the Sword of Damocles that is the "refugee problem." At the same time, the second state for the Palestinian Arabs, from its very beginning, will be built on a healthy foundation, without any possibility of revenge against Israel (and therefore any false hope for it), finally giving the wounds of the conflict a chance to heal.
It should be emphasized that one of the vital benefits that transfer will provide is the complete elimination of the Arab demographic threat to Israel. The state can remain Jewish forever. One need not search for any artificial methods of curbing or otherwise dealing with the high birth rate among the Arabs. The troubling predictions, that the number of Arabs in Israel will soon catch up with the Israeli Jewish population, will simply never materialize. At the same time, Israelis need to realize that a country for the Palestinian Arabs made up of disjointed parts, and only 2,268 square miles in total area, is absolutely unviable, as has already been mentioned. Virtually no one who today advocates the creation of a Palestinian state in Yesha has seriously considered its subsequent viability and development, but that is what makes all the difference in deciding whether or not it is a good idea. If we also take into account the fact that the Arab population doubles every 16 years, it is more than na?ve to think that the Arabs will be satisfied with the tiny parcels of land in Gaza, Judea and Samaria, and will voluntarily suppress their vengeful ambitions, especially since most of them consider all of "historical Palestine" (including present-day Israel) to be theirs. Meanwhile, in such a situation, Israel would lose the natural protection of the Samarian hills, making it absolutely clear that this option is nothing less than a prelude to inevitable disaster.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Israelis need to understand that the relocation of the Palestinian Arabs to Iraq or Saudi Arabia is, above all, advantageous for the Palestinian Arabs themselves. Various Arab leaders, will, of course, disagree, but these are the same Arab leaders who have unscrupulously used the Palestinians as cannon-fodder and their plight as unending political capital in their incessant attempts to destroy the Jewish state. At the same time, as the transfer is carried out, those Jews who feel the pain of others more strongly than their own, will be able to assist in countless ways in building this new Arab state in Iraq or Saudi Arabia. If the world community decides to help with the implementation of transfer there is no doubt that Israel will take on the lion's share not only in terms of monetary assistance, but also in helping develop irrigation, industry, agriculture, and a multitude of other projects.
Discussion of the resettlement itself must be focused on two key points. First, if there can be any talk about the "return," - and therefore the resettlement - of nearly four million so-called "Palestinian refugees," this means the uprooting and relocation of huge numbers of people. In this case, the actual number of people being moved is unimportant, since mass relocation is a given, and it is infinitely better, both for those people, as well as for the Arabs and Jews of Israel, if the Arabs relocate to some place where they will not immediately be in conflict and at odds with their neighbors. Considering that the vast majority of these people currently live in misery and poverty, a fresh start in a new place will do wonders for them, and with some international aid, great progress can be made immediately.
It's worth noting that almost all the arguments given in favor of transfer thus far have been based on practical considerations of the current situation. However, there is obviously a reason why the Jewish state is where it is, and we must not forget the deep and powerful religious and historical connection that Jews have with these lands. It is obvious that one of the main reasons why so many Israeli Jews are ready to part with Judea, Samaria and Gaza is that they have forgotten (or become indifferent to) the idea that these are primordial Jewish lands, which belong to them by right. Part of the information campaign among Israelis must then be aimed at re-emphasizing the historical and religious connection of Jews to their Land.
The leading role in helping to fill in this gap in Jewish education must fall on the National Religious Party, especially with Effie Eitam at its helm. Interestingly, Dayan's mentions in his article that "Yahalom [says] that the NRP vocally opposes transfer, both in the educational arena and in politics. 'The main religious-Zionist rabbis have ruled that transfer is forbidden by both halacha (Jewish law) and Jewish tradition.'" Yahalom's statement about this halachic ruling tells us that the NRP is much more concerned with its political capital than with the truth. While this author does not claim to be an expert in halacha, it is doubtful that one can question the halachic knowledge of Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu, the Chief Rabbi of Safed. On March 24 Ha'aretz quoted his answer to a question asked on his "Kippa" website. Eliyahu wrote, "If someone claims that the idea of transfer is not supported by the Halacha, he simply does not know Halacha. Please show me one rabbi in the world who disagrees with this idea, and can make a single reference to Halacha."
Clearly, transfer can't simply be dismissed out of hand the way that Yahalom attempts to do it. Whatever the halachic ruling on transfer, the case for Jewish rights and ownership of the lands of Yesha is virtually ironclad, if even a minimal amount of Jewish history and religious tradition are taken into account. If the Arabs invoke historic and religious claims to Eretz Yisrael, Israeli Jews must remember that their historic and religious claims to it are much stronger by any objective standard. Actually, it is simply enough to take note of a speech made by American (gentile) Senator Jim Inhofe, who put all Jewish Zionists to shame when, in a March 4 speech in the U.S. Senate, he declared that Israel has complete rights to the lands of Yesha and demanded that America support these rights. He said, in particular, ?I believe very strongly that we ought to support Israel; that it has a right to the land. This is the most important reason: Because God said so.? Look it up in the book of Genesis. It is right up there on the desk? In Genesis 13:14-17? where God appeared to Abram and said, ?I am giving you this land?? - the West Bank. This is not a political battle at all. It is a contest over whether or not the word of God is true.? If the American senator so convincingly refers to God, then the Jews, who gave monotheism to the world, must not be ashamed to do the same. When the Jews of Eretz Yisrael feel for themselves that their claims to Judea, Samaria and Gaza are at least as strong, and stronger, than those of the Arabs, they will be one significant step closer to realizing the Zionist dream.
[End Part 3 of 4]
----------------------------------
Boris Shusteff is an engineer. He is also a research associate with the Freeman Center for Strategic Studies.