2A. The election was stolen. Where’s my proof? My proof is that the election was stolen. Period. Why? Because. It won’t change the results, but there is an old Yiddish proverb (also the title of a Judge Judy book): “Don’t micturate on my leg and tell me it’s raining.”
For two decades I have taught Advanced Torts at two law schools. A tort is a social wrong that, instead of being enforced by the government, gets enforced when a victim successfully sues the tortfeasor (the person who perpetrated the tort). We cover subjects like invasion of privacy, intrusion, right of publicity, false light, defamation, and business torts including fraud. Every term, in my lead-up to our section on fraud, I ask my class whether any of them ever has been defrauded but found himself or herself unable to gather or access the evidence needed to sue. At least 50 percent of my 2,000-plus students over the years have raised their hands: yes.
And then I describe to them two or three situations in which I was defrauded — in the years when I simply was a naïve rabbi believing in every person’s inherent goodness — and never got justice. Then I became a pretty good attorney, and it never again has happened.
There was a ton of fraud, but — as with all expert fraud — it gets hidden and covered up. Robert Mueller investigated for two years. John Durham — if there even is such a guy — has been investigating forever. A month is ridiculously inadequate time to investigate 75 million ballots.
2B. I have absolutely no doubt the presidential election was stolen by cheating. It was stolen, inter alia, in these ways:
1. Democrats conned Republicans, state by state, into approving election procedures that were impossible to manage or police. States never before had undertaken massive mail-in balloting of the dimensions and quantity proposed. Democrats knew that state elections commissions would be overrun, utterly incapable of handling the mail tsunami. A chef experimenting with a new recipe does not serve it for the first time at a major banquet before testing it first, very carefully. Thus, for example, there was no human way possible to check each and every signature, for envelopes to match registrars’ rolls. Amateurs cannot check signatures. That is why we litigators pay a fortune for handwriting experts to testify when signature verification is essential. What can be more essential to a democratic republic than signature verification?
2. In too many critical states, Republican poll watchers were denied access to overseeing the goings on.
3. Dead people voted. So many that they should be entitled to at least four Congressional representatives and, if the Democrats had their way, to their own state.
4. Ballots were backdated, “cured,” and “fixed” in ways that cannot be justified.
5. Ballots were lost and never counted. Just consider the 5,000-plus ballots that kept getting discovered during the Georgia manual recount. “Oh, hey — lookit: we just found another 3,000 uncounted ballots!”
6. Ballots were harvested, often in states that ban harvesting. Even in states that wrongly permit ballot harvesting, many were harvested by ineligible out-of-state volunteers.
7. The Social Media monopolies closed off communication of matters that advantaged Trump and disseminated matters that advantaged His Fraudulency. The ban on news published by the New York Post about the Hunter Biden laptop was only the tip of an iceberg. Millions of Americans were fed controlled news, as Stalin did in the Soviet Union with Izvestia and Pravda, and as Hitler and Goebbels did in Nazi Germany with Der Stuermer.
Twitter, Facebook, and Google are monopolies more dangerous than John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil ever was. These people have an agenda, and they — not Putin — engineered massive election fraud. Yes, they are smart. Much smarter than the Republican senators who question them. They engineered His Fraudulency’s election, broke all kinds of rules, and then they “humbly” apologized . . . after the fact, after the damage was done, after it could not be remedied.
That was the game: manipulate voters and, afterwards, apologize. I remember Jack Bauer once saying “It is more blessed to ask forgiveness than to ask permission.” But that was a TV show, “24,” not a presidential election.
8. For many months in advance of the election, Democrat state legislatures started changing election rules while Republicans were asleep at the wheel. It seems that, no matter how many times Democrat Lucy picks up that football, Republicans fall for it. It all comes back to CNN”s Candy Crowley cheating as a debate moderator and leaving the oh-so-proper Romney like a deer in the headlights. It always happens.
9. Those presidential polls.
10. Incomprehensible percentages of “voter turnout” in just the right precincts needed to turn the election.
11. So much more stuff.
3. Trump’s court fight is absolutely worth it, even though Trump seems en route to losing. The American Way, for those of us not operating under a local dictatorship, is to seek justice in the courts when all other avenues for redress are closed. The legal battle already is exposing so many of the above flaws in the voting-by-mail, Dominion, and other aspects of the election.
Many countries among them Israel, outright prohibit mass voting by mail, permitting it only for overseas diplomats, military men and women stationed away from home, hospital and nursing-home patients, and (where applicable) for prisoners.
4. Still, despite all, the GOP blew away the Democrats down ticket. Not a single House Republican incumbent lost an election. Republicans took back two-thirds of the seats they need to regain the House. Just six or seven more flips in 2022, and Pelosi can go back to blow-drying her $13-a-pint ice cream.
Senate seats that were said to be in jeopardy — Susan Collins in Maine, Steve Daines in Montana, Joni Ernst in Iowa, Thom Tillis in North Carolina, John Cornyn in Texas, Lindsey Graham in South Carolina, Mitch McConnell in Kentucky — all were huge and easy wins, typically by spreads of approximately ten points or more.
The false polls wreaked havoc by giving Democrat millionaires and billionaires false hopes of winning unwinnable seats, thus inducing them to pump tens of millions and hundreds of millions they would not have donated if they knew the real numbers underlying voter sentiment. So the phony polls made the non-competitive races “competitive” by motivating money to be pumped in. Even so, the GOP blew them off down ticket, even with major wins in state houses.
5. Paradoxically, the phony polls helped, too. By convincing the Democrats that they would take the Senate and add ten or fifteen more House seats, the polls encouraged them to boast openly that they would end the filibuster, pack the Supreme Court, add Puerto Rico and D.C. as states, and mess with other aspects of the U.S. Constitution. They promised to defund the police, open the borders, and basically to send the whole country to purgatory. And, oh yes, the Green New Deal. As a result, their bold boastfulness terrified many Independents and moderates to take back many of the House seats they just had entrusted to Democrat “moderates” two years earlier.
6. Why didn’t the cheating extend down ticket? Several reasons.
First, it takes time to falsify a ballot. It is one thing to fill in one circle. It is another to fill in ten.
Secondly, the polls predicted that the House and Senate seats were handily in Democrat hands, so no point in risking having an entire ballot invalidated when the only office in doubt was the presidency.
Third, the focus was on electing His Fraudulency over Trump, and many such voters had no idea who or what else was on the ballot.
A remarkable number of ballots for His Fraudulency had no other bubbles filled in at all down ticket.
Did I say fraud? What happened this time was a train wreck coming for six months and more. So many of us saw it coming. Trump kept blowing the whistle. The GOP just-plain blew it.
Part !I will be posted on Thursday.
Rabbi Prof. Dov Fischer is adjunct professor of law at two prominent Southern California law schools, Senior Rabbinic Fellow at the Coalition for Jewish Values, congregational rabbi of Young Israel of Orange County, California, and has held prominent leadership roles in several national rabbinic and other Jewish organizations. He was Chief Articles Editor of UCLA Law Review, clerked for the Hon. Danny J. Boggs in the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, and served for most of the past decade on the Executive Committee of the Rabbinical Council of America. His writings have appeared in The Weekly Standard, National Review, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, Jerusalem Post, American Thinker, Frontpage Magazine, and Israel National News. Other writings are collected at www.rabbidov.com .