This month, two 15-year-old girls, Oriah Shirel and Iska Federman, were released from N'vei Tirza, a maximum security prison in Israel, where they had been kept for eight weeks. Their crime: participating in a demonstration in a neighborhood of Hebron, where they live.
Oriya was not charged with any violence or attempted violence; Iska was charged with throwing stones, but there is no proof.
Oriah and Iska had come to protest the Israeli government's decision to rebuild a wall abutting the Jewish neighborhood of Avraham Avinu and a playground. On the other side of the wall is an Arab home from which Jews have been attacked.
When initially brought before a court, the girls refused to go along with the proceedings. They declared that they did not recognize the legitimacy of the court and what they call a system of injustice that has plagued Israel, especially those Jews living in "settlements" (Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria, the "West Bank"), and in Hebron, in particular. Judge Uri Ben-Dor ordered the girls held in prison until the end of their trials in November, despite an unusual prosecution request to speed up the process.
Even if convicted of all charges against them, the girls would not have likely been given a prison sentence, certainly not one of such length, and not under harsh conditions. It is clear that the court was punishing these girls for what they believe, not for what they've done.
This is not new. Since the evacuation of Jews from their communities in Gaza and northern Samaria, hundreds of Jews have been jailed, some for months, for minor misdemeanors, civil disobedience - many without charges or trials. Recently, in anticipation of the government's unilateral withdrawal from Judea and Samaria, scores of "activists", most with families, have been jailed or given orders preventing them from living in the areas to be evacuated. Hebron, specifically, has had a history of alleged police discrimination against Jews for many years. A report issued more than a decade ago documenting systematic abuse was ignored by the government and the media.
Arab snipers and gangs have murdered and wounded Jews living in Hebron's enclaves since Jews moved back nearly three decades ago to neighborhoods once inhabited by one of the oldest and most prestigious Jewish communities in the world. These areas had been destroyed during the Arab riots of 1929, when 67 defenseless Jews were murdered and scores more wounded and mutilated.
A few months ago, the government arbitrarily and without justification ordered Jews to vacate a building in the Avraham Avinu neighborhood that had been legally purchased from Arabs. Other buildings in the area built by Arabs in the 1950s on land owned by Jews have been slated by the government for evacuation. This, too, has been a source of contention.
While police claim that Jews harass and provoke their Arab neighbors, local Arabs are often arrested for attacks and potential attacks. But several activists in Hebron's Jewish community have been held in administrative detention and under house arrest for long periods of time - without charges or trials.
Twelve years ago, Dr. Baruch Goldstein, a physician who served the entire community, both Jews and Arabs, is alleged to have killed 29 Muslim worshippers in the Machpelah Cave, the Tomb of the Patriarchs and Matriarchs built more than 2,000 years ago. As a result, the shrine was divided into exclusive areas for Jews and Muslims. Four years later, in 1998, Israel turned over nearly all areas of Hebron inhabited by Muslims to the Palestinian Authority, as part of the Wye River Agreements. In return, the Palestinian Authority committed itself to stopping all incitement and violence against Jews.
In another case, 15-year-old Tirtza Sariel, from the Jewish community of Elon Moreh, was arrested for throwing olives at Arabs. She has been in prison for over a month and refuses to sign court documents; Judge Ben-Dor decided to keep her in prison until the end of proceedings, which may take months.
Violations of civil (and human) rights are serious issues, especially when children are involved. A year ago and again this month, I contacted the main public organization dedicated to helping children, the National Council for the Child, directed by Professor Yitzhak Kadman. Then and now, they refused to get involved. Professor Kadman said that he thought the girls preferred to remain in prison.
The Association for Civil Rights in Israel also refused to get involved.
Where are the professionals, the lawyers and social workers?
Newly elected Labor Knesset Member Shelly Yachimovich, chairwoman of the Knesset's Committee on Children, came out strongly against the court's decision regarding the imprisoned children. Prominent legal experts have also questioned the reasonableness and legality of the court's decision. But nothing can be done, since there is no mechanism to challenge the court's decisions in this matter.
The Supreme Court, specifically Justices Aaron Barak, Ayala Procaccia and Dorit Beinish, has supported lower court decisions to imprison and restrict those who oppose government policies, some without charges or trials. This may explain why these young girls (and their parents) have chosen to suffer, in order to expose what many have called Israel's "injustice system."
The only organization that provides immediate legal assistance to Jews who are arrested is Honenu, a tiny non-profit crisis-response group led by Shmuel ("Zangy") Medad. On call day and night, Zangy is usually the only resource available to Jews, as Israel's civil rights organizations seem paralyzed and the courts violate basic norms of democracy and justice. In addition, Civil Rights for Jews in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, directed by Mrs. Orit Struk, works with Knesset members and documents police brutality. Their reports have led to judicial and disciplinary actions against violent policemen.
Oriya was not charged with any violence or attempted violence; Iska was charged with throwing stones, but there is no proof.
Oriah and Iska had come to protest the Israeli government's decision to rebuild a wall abutting the Jewish neighborhood of Avraham Avinu and a playground. On the other side of the wall is an Arab home from which Jews have been attacked.
When initially brought before a court, the girls refused to go along with the proceedings. They declared that they did not recognize the legitimacy of the court and what they call a system of injustice that has plagued Israel, especially those Jews living in "settlements" (Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria, the "West Bank"), and in Hebron, in particular. Judge Uri Ben-Dor ordered the girls held in prison until the end of their trials in November, despite an unusual prosecution request to speed up the process.
Even if convicted of all charges against them, the girls would not have likely been given a prison sentence, certainly not one of such length, and not under harsh conditions. It is clear that the court was punishing these girls for what they believe, not for what they've done.
This is not new. Since the evacuation of Jews from their communities in Gaza and northern Samaria, hundreds of Jews have been jailed, some for months, for minor misdemeanors, civil disobedience - many without charges or trials. Recently, in anticipation of the government's unilateral withdrawal from Judea and Samaria, scores of "activists", most with families, have been jailed or given orders preventing them from living in the areas to be evacuated. Hebron, specifically, has had a history of alleged police discrimination against Jews for many years. A report issued more than a decade ago documenting systematic abuse was ignored by the government and the media.
Arab snipers and gangs have murdered and wounded Jews living in Hebron's enclaves since Jews moved back nearly three decades ago to neighborhoods once inhabited by one of the oldest and most prestigious Jewish communities in the world. These areas had been destroyed during the Arab riots of 1929, when 67 defenseless Jews were murdered and scores more wounded and mutilated.
A few months ago, the government arbitrarily and without justification ordered Jews to vacate a building in the Avraham Avinu neighborhood that had been legally purchased from Arabs. Other buildings in the area built by Arabs in the 1950s on land owned by Jews have been slated by the government for evacuation. This, too, has been a source of contention.
While police claim that Jews harass and provoke their Arab neighbors, local Arabs are often arrested for attacks and potential attacks. But several activists in Hebron's Jewish community have been held in administrative detention and under house arrest for long periods of time - without charges or trials.
Twelve years ago, Dr. Baruch Goldstein, a physician who served the entire community, both Jews and Arabs, is alleged to have killed 29 Muslim worshippers in the Machpelah Cave, the Tomb of the Patriarchs and Matriarchs built more than 2,000 years ago. As a result, the shrine was divided into exclusive areas for Jews and Muslims. Four years later, in 1998, Israel turned over nearly all areas of Hebron inhabited by Muslims to the Palestinian Authority, as part of the Wye River Agreements. In return, the Palestinian Authority committed itself to stopping all incitement and violence against Jews.
In another case, 15-year-old Tirtza Sariel, from the Jewish community of Elon Moreh, was arrested for throwing olives at Arabs. She has been in prison for over a month and refuses to sign court documents; Judge Ben-Dor decided to keep her in prison until the end of proceedings, which may take months.
Violations of civil (and human) rights are serious issues, especially when children are involved. A year ago and again this month, I contacted the main public organization dedicated to helping children, the National Council for the Child, directed by Professor Yitzhak Kadman. Then and now, they refused to get involved. Professor Kadman said that he thought the girls preferred to remain in prison.
The Association for Civil Rights in Israel also refused to get involved.
Where are the professionals, the lawyers and social workers?
Newly elected Labor Knesset Member Shelly Yachimovich, chairwoman of the Knesset's Committee on Children, came out strongly against the court's decision regarding the imprisoned children. Prominent legal experts have also questioned the reasonableness and legality of the court's decision. But nothing can be done, since there is no mechanism to challenge the court's decisions in this matter.
The Supreme Court, specifically Justices Aaron Barak, Ayala Procaccia and Dorit Beinish, has supported lower court decisions to imprison and restrict those who oppose government policies, some without charges or trials. This may explain why these young girls (and their parents) have chosen to suffer, in order to expose what many have called Israel's "injustice system."
The only organization that provides immediate legal assistance to Jews who are arrested is Honenu, a tiny non-profit crisis-response group led by Shmuel ("Zangy") Medad. On call day and night, Zangy is usually the only resource available to Jews, as Israel's civil rights organizations seem paralyzed and the courts violate basic norms of democracy and justice. In addition, Civil Rights for Jews in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, directed by Mrs. Orit Struk, works with Knesset members and documents police brutality. Their reports have led to judicial and disciplinary actions against violent policemen.