If We Desire Life - Part IV

The very existence of Manhigut Yehudit resulted from the lessons learned from Zo Artzenu, which had in the past assumed leadership in the field, caused Binyamin Netanyahu to be elected, and found itself once again at square one.

Moshe Feiglin,

Moshe Feiglin.jpg
Moshe Feiglin.jpg
Arutz 7
[Parts one and two of this article can be read at http://www.israelnationalnews.com/article.php3?id=5540 and http://www.israelnationalnews.com/article.php3?id=5546, respectively. Part three can be read at http://www.israelnationalnews.com/article.php3?id=5556.]

Assumption 11: Manhigut Yehudit Will Direct the Struggle in the Field

Many people expected that Manhigut Yehudit would assume leadership in the field. They had forgotten that the very existence of Manhigut Yehudit resulted from the lessons learned from Zo Artzenu, which had in the past assumed leadership in the field, caused Binyamin Netanyahu to be elected, and found itself once again at square one.

There's no point in waging a struggle in the field without creating an alternative. It would have been a grave mistake to cause Manhigut Yehudit to regress ten years. From both the judicial aspect, as well as that of the awareness of the broad public, Manhigut Yehudit would have been finished if it had led the struggle in the field.

The leaders of Manhigut Yehudit would have been arrested immediately, and then there would have been neither leadership in the field nor the construction of an alternative. Despite this, we had many doubts. But when Shai Malka and Ariel Weingrover decided to set up the National Home organization, our doubts vanished. A young, vital leadership for the struggle in the field had arisen. Shai and Ariel were targeted by the Israeli judicial system and these heroes may still spend time in jail.

Although Manhigut Yehudit decided not to lead the struggle in the field, it considerably influenced it during all its significant stages -- refusal to obey orders, blocking roads and going to Gush Katif.

In an attempt to intensify the struggle, we made a grave mistake. I said that there wouldn't be disengagement because we wouldn't let it happen. This was a way to encourage the public and to increase awareness for the struggle. But I truly believed that it wouldn't happen. I explained why in an answer to an email sent to me at that time:

"There won't be disengagement because a new generation has arisen that acts in a G-d-fearing manner. It is not subject to heresy, but rather, denies it. In order to carry out the crime, Sharon needs the cooperation of the victims. Since there is a significant group of people who do not derive their legitimacy from Sharon, but simply want to carry out the Almighty's wishes, there won't be disengagement because the Jewish people won't let it happen."

I became very enthusiastic about the young generation I met, and all the praise I heaped on them is really justified. However, certain rabbis assumed leadership of the youth and destroyed this wonderful potential. I could see this happening and I warned against it. I wrote about it in the past and all my internal warning lights were flashing. However, I preferred to remain silent, because I thought that perhaps I was mistaken and I would be liable to harm the chances of success in the struggle.

When the rabbi delivered his speech to the wonderful column that halted in Kfar Maimon, I realized that the struggle was apparently lost. I walked aside, so that my feelings would not become evident, and hoped that I was wrong.

The disengagement took place because the leadership of the struggle let it happen. Perhaps it couldn't have been prevented. Perhaps they would have opened fire on the column bursting out of Kfar Maimon. But this is precisely the way in which leadership is measured.

Why is it permissible to die for Eretz Israel from the bullets of the Arabs, but forbidden to do so from the bullets of Ariel Sharon? Since we didn't take the risk, the next disengagements are just a matter of time. Will Sharon be the one who fixes the date or Netanyahu? It makes no difference.

If we desire life, we must establish Jewish leadership, because any leadership that lacks G-d will inevitably continue the current process of collapse.

Assumption 12: The Face-to-Face Campaign

This channel of activity, in which settlers and their supporters randomly knock on doors in Israel's cities and attempt to engage people in conversation on Jewish values, was proposed to the young people instead of protest activities. It is difficult to deny the importance of bringing people closer to Jewish values, but when this is done at the expense of a struggle it seems like a deliberate flight from confrontation.

There's something distorted in this useless approach to Israelis who don't know what we want from them. It's a kind of Christian love, without clear boundaries. When we visited the Likud members before the referendum, we were on firm ground. We wanted them to vote in a specific way. At the same time, personal relations were established. But what precisely do the visitors to the average Israeli want: to bridge a gap of 50 years of estrangement in a brief chat? Even if the visitor is warmly welcomed, what can he explain? That he's a nice guy? Perhaps he can win a theological argument? It appears that this face-to-face campaign is just a more sophisticated version of the useless circling of the fences in Kfar Maimon.

Assumption 13: The Young Generation

They're wonderful; our real wild card. They're ready to take on any task. Although the struggle for Gush Katif failed, we had a breath-taking glimpse of a young generation that has never been seen before in the history of the State.

If we desire life, we must harness these young people to a real struggle for the leadership of the country, before certain rabbis representing "Sharon's secret weapon" destroy their souls and force us to wait for another generation.

[Part 4 of 4]




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