Op-Ed: Intellectual Terrorism in France
Giulio MeottiThe writer, an Italian journalist with Il Foglio, writes a twice-weekly...
On August 24 , 2012, after a trial lasting ten weeks, Anders Breivik, the perpetrator of the massacre at Utoya, is sentenced to the maximum penalty. A month later, one the best editors of the French publishing house Gallimard, Richard Millet, also known as the "factory of Goncourt " (Millet discovered many winners of the Goncourt, the most prestigious and famous literary prize of France, such as "the Kindly Ones" by Jonathan Littell), publishes a book titled "Langue Fantome", which contains the reading of the Utoya massacre through the prism of multiculturalism.
The day after that, a relentless campaign begins against Millet. The first shot is from the Nouvel Observateur with an article by the virulent Jerome Garcin against the "despicable book".
Le Point weekly and Le Monde daily accused Millet of "aestheticizing violence" and asked Antoine Gallimard to fire the writer from the publishing house that has dominated the literature of the Twentieth century with Marcel Proust, André Gide, Georges Simenon, Albert Camus and Jean Genet.
The Muslim writer Tahar Ben Jelloun and the Nobel Prize Laureate J.M. Le Clézio, two big names from the catalog of Gallimard, pronounced the excommunication of the writer and his publisher, finding them guilty of "corruption of contemporary thought".
Bernard- Henri Lévy and Annie Ernaux charged Millet with "destruction of the values on which the French Democracy is based" and of "provoking a civil war". Even Prime Minister Marc Ayraut spoke against the book.
"The prosecutors of political correctness have triumphed", writes Muriel Rengervé in her new book that recounts the story, "L'Affaire Richard Millet" (Editions Jacob- Duvernet).
On September 13, Millet was forced to resign from the committee of Gallimard, "a prelude to the social death of the writer, permanently ostracized". Muriel Rengervé, a scholar of Romain Gary, writes about a "Stalinist political conspiracy that uses the same processes, the same misinformation, the same insults". It is "intellectual terrorism".
In an interview to Le Figaro, Millet says he is thinking about leaving Gallimard: "It is impossible to remain there, I cannot work in my office and they send the manuscripts to my home with a courier ... ". Rengervé calls it "new McCarthyism".
An affair revealing the face of France as the first Islamicized country of Western Europe.
On October 10th, the intellectual and philosopher Alain Finkielkraut gave his last lesson at the prestigious Ecole Polytechnique of Paris. At his arrival, a group of students "entarté" him, throwing cakes at him, because in his new book, "L' Identité Malheureuse" (Editions Stock) - in English, The Unhappy Identity - Finkielkraut denied the political correctness of his country.
"France has never been multiculturalist", said Finkielkraut to me. "France has always been assimilationist. But now there is a revolution planned by Islam and the conformist Left, that part of the political left that I called 'divine gauche', divine political left. And the paradox of the gauche is that, in name of laïcité (secularism), it deconstructed France and embraced multiculturalism. It is the 'dis-identification'".
We are heading for a Franco-Creole-Maghrebin civilization under the aegis of Islam. And France also invented a kind of religious ritual for it.
28 people, including public officials, religious representatives and imams were awarded in Lyon with a university diploma which validates their "knowledge on secularism". The diploma was awarded by France’s Home Minister, Manuel Valls, who intends to expand this course to all religious representatives in the country. The course is financed by the French government and consists of 200 hours of lectures which are taught in University of Lyon III, the Catholic University of Lyon and the French Institute of Muslim Civilisation in Lyon.
Finkielkraut's book is critical of the idea of nation as "airport". "My love for France is for something that can perish, fragile. For the first time in the history of immigration, the host refuses to be accepted. I returned to talk about identity thanks to those who declared their hostility to the country that welcomed them. Under 'non-discrimination', France is voluptuously sinking in the undifferentiated".
Take what happened to my friend Robert Redeker, who addressed the question of Islamic intimidation in a newspaper article in Le Figaro, which led to a string of death threats and turned him in a ghost with no public address and protected by the police.
Historian Jean Baubérot has compared him to the anti-Semite Edouard Drumont, Tunisian writer Abdelwahab Meddeb has evoked the pro Nazi writer Louis Ferdinand Céline, while the Mouvement Contre Racisme et Pour L'amitié Entre les Peuples has compared him to Osama bin Laden. France’s two largest teachers’ unions, both of them socialist, stressed that “they did not share Redeker’s convictions.” He was left to stand alone.
"Your colleagues speak of you like of a dead man”, Redeker has been told from the Institute Pierre Riquet di Saint Orens de Gameville, near Toulouse, where Redeker taught before the fatwa. He never saw his students again.
To explain his involvement in the French Resistance against the Nazis, Jean Cavaillès once said he prefers to read Paris-Soir than the Völkische Beobachter. Now on the boulevards, you read Arabic newspapers and "collaborationist" French magazines.
And those boulevards, which in 1943 were transformed into the Nazi Street, have been now turned into the Arab-Islamic street - same slogans, same flags, same shameless support for terrorists, same calls for the destruction of the Jewish people and Western values. And like during the Nazi occupation of Paris, when most of the intellectuals choose indifference and complicity, today a veil of shame covers Europe's culture. The editorial board of Le Monde, France’s newspaper of record, the one which called to fire Millet from Gallimard, characterized Redeker as "insulting".
A writer such as Richard Millet and a philosopher such as Robert Redeker have been professionally and socially destroyed because of what they wrote. Because of their words. What was once unthinkable in France has already come to pass