[Part one of this article can be read at http://www.israelnationalnews.com/article.php3?id=5793.]



Right now, like the Kurds, the Shi'a need us to help contain the Sunni Arabs who blow them up. After we help them further achieve their own goals, however, and we leave, the fun will really start. Shi'a Arabs have voiced the same disdain for the Kurds as Sunni Arabs have. They're just biding their time.



If America's ideal of a federalist state - which is a good one, but which Sunni Arabs mostly reject - collapses, then what's next for the Kurds? They have repeatedly been slaughtered over the decades in the wake of America's games in the region. Kurds have repeatedly been used and abused by the Foggy Folks, the CIA and others, as well.



As America now insists on the birth of Arab State no. 22 in Israel, if Iraq goes sour, then -- at long last -- Kurdistan must enter into the realm of nations as well.



Iraq was an artificial state to begin with, no more real than Yugoslavia. Its opposing ethnic groups were forced together for others' interests, especially those of the Arabs and the British after World War I. British petroleum politics colluded with Arab nationalism to shaft the Kurds out of the one best chance they had at independence. Among other opportunities lost, President Wilson's famed Fourteen Points had earlier addressed the self-determination of these folks.



The fears of the Turks that Kurdish independence will spread to Turkish Kurdistan must be addressed; and they can be.



The proportion of Kurds to Turks in Turkey is the same as Arabs to Jews in Israel proper, one-fifth of the population. Turkey also dwarfs Israel geographically. Yet, this doesn't stop the Foggy Folks from insisting that another, hostile, adjacent, independent Arab state emerge right on Israel's doorstep, in close contact with that potential Arab fifth column in Israel. State routinely uses this as a key argument, however, against the birth of a Kurdish state. Along with angering its Arab buddies, of course; "destabilizing" and so forth.



Regardless, those fears cannot condemn 30 million people to a perpetually stateless condition.



If there's a parallel to the plight of pre-1948 Jews, it is the Kurds not the "Palestinians," most of whom were new arrivals -- Arab settlers -- themselves into the land, as the Records of the Permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations and other solid documentation show.



Again, for all the attention Arabs get on this issue, they already have some two dozen states. They renamed themselves "Palestinians" instead of Arabs late in the game so they could argue the point better.



Zuheir Mohsein, an official with the PLO's military wing and Executive Council, in his interview with the Dutch newspaper, Trouw, on March 31, 1977, stated, "There are no differences between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians, etc.... It is only for political reasons that we now carefully underline Palestinian identity... this serves only a tactical purpose... a new tool in the continuing battle against Israel."



Using this Arab line of reasoning, then, Kurds should rename themselves after geographical regions in Iran, Iraq, Syria and so forth that they live in and demand multiple states, as well. And likewise for the Jews. Get the picture?



This won't happen, of course, for lots of reasons, but if justice demands yet another Arab state, America must also finally demand a share of justice for its strangely loyal Kurdish friends.



No matter what we do, we're largely despised in that region.



And if you believe the Arabs' nonsense that it's all Israel's fault, you know nothing about their still-pervading, Dar Al-Islam versus Dar Al-Harb worldview. Israel is just another manifestation of this; a painful one, admittedly. After all, how dare kilab Yahud (Jew dogs, half of whom in Israel were refugees from so-called "Arab" lands) ask, in one tiny state, for what Arabs demand for themselves in some two dozen of their own? In Arab eyes, there is no justice besides their own. And so, Kurdish children in Syria are forced to sing songs praising their Arab identity, Kurds in Iraq received similar treatment and worse, and so forth.



Unlike elsewhere, American bases will be welcome in Kurdistan. And, with its vast oil deposits, it will be an economically viable, democratic success story, unlike anything over two hundred million Arabs have created to date. In other words, it will be something we can really be proud to be a part of. As we have built up despotic Arab regimes militarily, we must also do no less for Kurds who truly share more of our own values.



America's hope for a united Iraq is a noble one. But it will most likely be unattainable given the bloody realities at hand, realities that date back centuries and are out of our control.



Again, think Yugoslavia and the Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Macedonians, Albanians, and so forth, who were held together only by the likes of a Tito. How much longer will we be willing to expend American treasure and blood over such an unrealistic goal?



Arrangements can be made to share Kurdish oil wealth with Arabs, Turks, and others, as conditions permit. The Shi'a, for their part, have their own oil wealth.



The fate of the Kurds, however, must not forcibly be tied, as Condoleezza Rice & Co. insisted back in 2004 and still do now, to Arabs of either Sunni or Shi'a stripe to the south. If a civil war breaks out among them, Kurds, who have supported America the most, ought not to suffer.



In other words, when America withdraws and all hell breaks loose among the Arabs, America must then come up with a well-thought-out Plan B. We must not leave the Kurds at others' mercy, as we've done too often before.



The Roadmap for Kurdistan is long overdue.