[Part one of this article can be read at http://www.israelnationalnews.com/article.php3?id=4738.]

The "[IDF] Staff Working Paper" distributed through the Internet takes into account that the civil war amongst the Jews will be accompanied by mortar shelling and Kassam rocket fire, ambushes and roadside bombs, as well as "storming by thousands of unarmed Palestinians of the abandoned buildings, hothouses and industrial areas, in order to take control of property and capture spoils."

Interesting. The sick mind behind the document does not even consider halting the evacuation if there is Palestinian fire. That is precisely how Yochanan of Gush Chalav and Shimon Bar Giora killed and burned one another under Roman fire. Nothing has changed. The warped genes of self-destruction remain in our blood, as if 2,000 years have not passed.

According to the document, there is preparations also for the scenario according to which the Hizbullah and other terrorist groups in Lebanon try to land on the seashore "immediately after the evacuation or even during it," in order to hold a victory march and take up positions along the Strip's perimeter fence. The document's response? "Victory marches must be prevented, in order to prevent a worsening of the confrontations inside Israel."

It is interesting that even in the feverish mind of the document's creator, the obvious question was raised: and what then? Days, weeks, months, years after you have evacuated, how will you prevent Hizbullah and other terrorist groups from doing whatever they want, now that you are no longer there? The document's answer is more relevant than ever: "...the introduction of European and United Nations forces as a buffer between the terrorist groups, the Palestinian Authority and Israel."

The reality is even worse: at the head of the foreign forces will be Egyptian troops.

Afterwards, the document discusses blocking roads and what the expellees will do.

"Conveyance of evacuees" - women and children - will be to youth centers or for medical and psychological treatment in various towns in the south of the country. Men: to a camp for identification and classification, based on their level of involvement in the rioting. There will be trucks and trailers for removing the tractors and moveable agricultural equipment. There will be imprisonment and interrogation facilities "for the rioters, murderers [!] and seditionists among the settler public."

With all of that, the document calls for "maximum restraint, and for being understanding of the calls of rage and desperation of the evacuated residents."

The document also worries about the security forces: "Soldiers and officers who will suffer from [mental] trauma phenomena will be removed from the area under the jurisdiction of the medical corps."

And this is the end of the frightening civil war script: "Evacuation of the casualties will be to hospitals after identification and notification of the families." According to scenario A, up to 20 casualties are expected, and according to scenarios B and C, between 100 and 300 casualties.

The document concludes: "In our estimation, there will be no choice but to declare a state of emergency throughout Israel on the eve of the evacuation."

Even if this document is a product of the imagination, it must be said of it that it is absolutely realistic; in fact, the opposite is the case, it is foreseeable that the reality will be even worse.

And now, the question is asked: can a demonstration of 150,000 people constitute a reply to what they are planning for us, even if it is a bigger rally than anything previous and more attractive? Correctly, the correspondent for Voice of Israel noted that nothing was said at the demonstration that we have not heard before, and it does not appear that it had the power to change the plans and intentions of the government.

Even the exclusive focus on the demand for a referendum is puzzling. Who authorized anyone to play the lottery with the land of Israel and to commit to accept "the decision of the people"? What if among the people - as a result of the systematic brainwashing by the media and of the prestige of Ariel Sharon, which has not yet expired - there will be a majority for expulsion? If the expulsion is in fact a "national crime and a crime against humanity," as the Judea, Samaria and Gaza Council posits, then can even a majority be allowed to carry out such crimes?

Past experience proves that demonstrations do not change public opinion, nor the positions of Knesset members, almost all of whom act in accordance with personal interests, and only in accordance with those interests.

In my view, there was in the demonstration only one practical point: the pledge that was read out from the dais - in the name of all the assembled - to be there, at the scene of the expulsion, on the day the order comes.

With the mobilization of the regime, as expressed in the "Working Paper" document, it is clear that no resistance - especially the only kind that can come from our side, non-violent - has any chance of success without a mass of people, on the scale of 100,000 or more.

However, in light of the organization of the forces of destruction - cutting off of all systems, electronic warfare, preemptive arrests inside Israel far from the Strip - whoever is seriously planning to bring the masses to the field should have been making preparations for some time, but from tomorrow morning at the latest. Just think of supplying such masses of people for a full month, perhaps, and the rest of their basic needs....

The very short time remaining must not be wasted on the fantasy of keeping Shas out of the government, or on adding another Likud "rebel" or two. If there is any chance for those things to occur, it is only if the politicians see serious preparations, in the field, for the "Day of Judgement".

The attempt to convince our opponents at the last minute, in publicized meetings with people who are symbols of the Left, appears pathetic. It is as if the hunter and the prey were arranging the method of the impending mercy killing. In the case of public opinion, too, whomever we have not convinced in 37 years of the righteousness of our path, which is the true pioneering Zionist path, as well as the purity of our intentions - can no longer be convinced in these last moments.

The desire of the destroyers we will not be able to change, but we definitely can change their estimation of their abilities. We can cause them to say: we would like to, but we can't. Just as the Left succeeded in bringing the governmental bodies and public opinion around to the assessment that transferring Arabs is out of the question - because it can't be done, even if it is desirable.

It will be very sad if the Judea, Samaria and Gaza Council wastes these last remaining months in a pathetic attempt to appear beautiful and righteous - instead of preparing the ground to broadcast: "You can not do it!"

[Part 2 of 2]